Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 48

During his first meeting with Ito at the Prime Minister's official residence after taking office, Komura bluntly advised Prime Minister Ito: "The Trans-Siberian Railway will be completed this year. Once this railway is completed, Russia will be able to save fifteen or sixteen days from Europe to the Far East. Its position in Manchuria will become more and more stable. Once Russia has a firm foothold in Manchuria, it will inevitably compete with me for Korea. The fact that Russia is now refusing Korea's neutral status shows the Russians' ambition."

Therefore, diplomatic negotiations alone are no longer effective in resolving the North Korean issue. The Russians have no intention of exchanging any benefits with us; they are simply taking advantage of our demands. Thus, we now face only two paths: either completely abandon North Korea to avoid conflict with Russia, or form an alliance with a third country to prevent Russia from attacking us.

What does Prime Minister Ito think?

The claim that forming an alliance with a third country would prevent Russia from attacking Japan should actually be interpreted the other way around: after forming an alliance with a third country, Japan could attack Russia with peace of mind. Ito was also somewhat hesitant. After a long silence, he said, "Korea is our country's bulwark; abandoning it is certainly not an option. However, forming an alliance with a third country is probably not the right time yet. We are currently discussing a new generation of capital ships with Germany. If we form an alliance with a third country, how can we continue to discuss this shipbuilding plan?"

Komura looked at Prime Minister Ito and said, "Excuse my bluntness, the situation in Europe has returned to calm. Japan's alliance with a third country will not affect the situation in Europe, so Germany will not be alarmed by this."

However, the calm in Europe means that the possibility of Russia launching a war in the Far East is increasing. If we don't ally with a third country, and if France or Germany were to intervene again, Japan would be finished.

For the Japanese, the Tripartite Intervention following the Sino-Japanese War was a nightmare; just thinking about it made them feel that national subjugation was imminent. Therefore, preventing cooperation among France, Germany, and Russia has become the most pressing issue for Japanese diplomacy.

Ito Sukeyuki was well aware that as long as Russia did not stop its expansion in the Far East, the southward strategy could not continue, because Russia was holding a knife to Japan's chest, so how could Japan plan to take over its colonies in Southeast Asia?

He finally yielded to the Ministry of the Army and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and said to Komura, "How do you plan to persuade the elders?"

Komura thought for a moment and said, "Please organize a meeting of elders, and I will explain to them the necessity of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance in detail to dispel their confusion."

Ito Sukeyuki finally nodded and said, "Then next Monday afternoon will do..."

Chapter 164 On the Anglo-Japanese Alliance

Komura Jutaro made ample preparations and submitted a "Report on the Anglo-Japanese Alliance" at the elder statesman meeting at the Ito official residence for the elder statesmen to consider.

Because Ito Hirobumi had emerged from the confusion surrounding the Japan-Russia negotiations, although there were still voices advocating for Japan-Russia negotiations in various sectors of Japanese society, these voices had become a minority.

At this time, Ito Hirobumi was more concerned about whether the Anglo-Japanese Alliance would hinder Japan's southward expansion, a concern shared by the navy. Frankly, this had been a major headache for Komura. In another timeline, he didn't need to consider Japan's interests in Southeast Asia, as Japan was in a more defensive position.

However, in this timeline, the navy and some veterans believed that the Anglo-Japanese Alliance was merely icing on the cake rather than a lifeline, and that Britain actually needed the alliance more than Japan to maintain its interests in East Asia.

In other words, Japan viewed the Russo-Japanese War as an effort to protect British interests in East Asia, rather than simply to safeguard its own interests on the mainland. Therefore, if the Anglo-Japanese Alliance could not guarantee Japan's space for development in Southeast Asia, the alliance would be a shackle rather than an aid to Japan.

The mindset of the Navy and veterans like Ito towards the Anglo-Japanese Alliance led Japan to choose restraint in its continental policy. This was because Ito, the Navy, and others believed that Russia's expansion in East Asia would inevitably provoke Britain's resentment, as Russia would not prioritize a deadly struggle with Korea and Japan, but would first consolidate its interests in Manchuria and Outer Mongolia.

And facts have proven this point. Since the North China Incident, although Russia has refused to back down on the Korean issue, it has focused its main efforts on occupying Manchuria. From Harbin to Dalian, a distance of nearly 1,000 kilometers, Russia has deployed nearly 180,000 troops in Manchuria, but it can only control the area around the railway line. This is because the population of southern Manchuria is much larger than that of northern Manchuria, and it is by no means possible to control it with just a railway line.

The army has now realized that the more the Russian army prioritizes the railway lines, the less it can afford to leave them. This means the Russian army can only station troops along the entire railway line, greatly dispersing its forces. Having prepared for a major battle with the Russian army, the army now actually hopes the Russian army can occupy more territory, as this would become a burden for the Russian army, rather than an expansion of its power.

For example, the railway connecting Beijing, Tianjin, and Fengtian (Shenyang) was originally invested and constructed by Britain. Due to Russian obstruction after the Northern Qing Incident, British and Russian troops clashed, and Russia was ultimately forced to back down, returning the railway equipment and relinquishing its occupation of the railway. Similarly, the Russian army's actions after occupying Yingkou, expelling Chinese officials and appointing Russian officials to manage the port, also provoked dissatisfaction from Britain, the United States, and other countries.

Unlike its expansion into sparsely populated Outer Mongolia and northern Manchuria, any action taken by the Russian army in southern Manchuria was provoking the nerves of the Chinese and Western powers, because the Russians could not offer any benefits in exchange for the occupation of Manchuria with the powers, and were simply trying to break the deadlock by force.

The British were most concerned about Russia's actions, not so much about the potential loss of British interests in Manchuria, but about Russia's actions that undermined the treaty system. If Britain accepted Russia's use of force to alter the treaty guarantees of China's integrity, it would mean that Britain had lost its ability to restrain other countries. In that case, Germany in the Middle East, France and Italy in North Africa and the Near East, and Russia in Persia, Afghanistan, and Xinjiang would all gain the right to act freely.

Compared to the prospect of the collapse of the entire treaty system, Japan's interests in Korea were utterly insignificant. This was a truth that the army only realized after Ito's reminder. Korea, which seemed insurmountable to the army, was not even an appetizer in Britain's eyes. Britain only opposed Japan's military annexation of Korea because it needed to maintain its global treaty system.

Although the army viewed its actions in Korea as no different from Britain's global practices, deeming the British incredibly arrogant, this diplomatic approach was now being repeatedly humiliated by Russia. The longer the Russian army occupied Manchuria, the lower Britain's prestige became. If it weren't for the navy's breakthrough in the south, the army could have continued to tolerate and watch the British make a fool of themselves.

However, the army cannot allow the navy to shift Japan's national policy towards maritime policy. Komura Jutaro himself is closely tied to the army, and his main achievements lie in diplomacy that served the continental policy during the Sino-Japanese War. Komura believes that Japan currently has no independent diplomatic strength, and if it does not rely on British diplomacy, then Japan actually has no voice in the international arena.

However, the Navy's independent diplomatic policy on the Philippines issue was a slap in the face to the elite bureaucrats of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Komura and other bureaucrats of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs realized that it was not that Japan lacked the strength to carry out independent diplomacy, but that their ability was insufficient to do so. The Navy's independent approach had to be corrected in time, otherwise wouldn't the Ministry of Foreign Affairs become a subordinate unit of the Navy in the future?

Therefore, the main issue Komura considered in his proposal was that now was the best time to form an alliance with Britain, rather than what benefits there would be in forming an alliance with Britain.

The elders, including Yamagata, Oyama, and Matsukata, generally approved of the opinion submitted by Komura. Only Ito, Inoue, and Ito remained silent. Yamagata knew that Inoue and Ito were mainly waiting for Ito to speak first, so he asked Ito, "Lord Ito, what is your opinion on the opinion?"

After pondering the opinion for a moment, Ito said, "After the Japan-China alliance was concluded, we have essentially gained the right to attack Russian forces in Manchuria. However, Britain is only willing to sign a defensive alliance with us, which means that if Japan and Russia go to war, Britain can still remain neutral."

The so-called supporters of Russia's Far East policy, Germany and France, are now irreconcilable enemies. Neither France nor Germany is likely to send troops to the Far East. Therefore, the idea of ​​using Britain to contain France and Germany is simply empty talk.

However, after the Anglo-Japanese Alliance was signed, the interests of Britain, the United States, France, and the Netherlands in Southeast Asia and Indochina were preserved, because the treaty was to safeguard local peace, which meant we had to promise not to alter that local peace. Does the navy really have no objections?

Ito Sukeyuki hesitated for a moment, but seeing the gazes of Yamagata and Oyama, he finally spoke: "The Russian problem must be resolved. Currently, Russia has become our country's biggest external threat. If the Russian problem cannot be resolved, our country cannot move south. Of course, the Navy believes that the Anglo-Japanese Alliance can only exist during the Russo-Japanese War. After this war, there is no need for the alliance to continue."

Ito wasn't surprised by Ito Sukeyuki's compromise with the army; after all, if Ito didn't compromise, the army would oust him, a consequence the navy couldn't argue with. After some thought, Ito finally nodded and said, "If the alliance's obligations are limited to East Asia, then I have no objection. Japan's capabilities are also limited to East Asia; this needs to be clarified with the British..."

While the council of elders was being held, Lin Xinyi was observing a field exercise at the Marine Corps School. This exercise was part of a comprehensive improvement of guerrilla tactics organized by DeWitt under his planning. Lin Xinyi had specifically requested three days off to participate in this exercise.

Captain Saito Shichigoro and other instructors from the naval academy observed the entire exercise, which was based on a large-scale raid on villages in a region. For Saito and other naval officers, land warfare was indeed not their strong suit, so they were completely unaware that the teaching at the land warfare school had been completely distorted by Hayashi Shinji and DeWitt.

For Lin Xinyi, the Marine Corps should target small groups of enemies; large-scale conventional warfare was unnecessary. For DeWitt, however, he preferred to review the Boer campaign, examining how the Boers failed and how to counter British concentration camp tactics. Therefore, while the Marine Corps school covered basic army courses, its organizational and tactical focus was on guerrilla warfare.

As expected, the exercise ended in victory for the Marine Corps School cadets. The Marine Corps battalion invited to participate was completely unable to adapt to this non-confrontational guerrilla tactic, and even their commander was killed in action. Although the Marine Corps doesn't have much need for land combat, such a crushing defeat was hard for the Marine Corps officers to accept. They could only angrily tell Saito Shichigoro that the exercise was far too childish, and that they would refuse to cooperate again if the Marine Corps School continued to conduct such exercises.

Captain Saito could only repeatedly apologize, promising to treat them to drinks later, to appease the officers. After the officers and their men left angrily, Captain Saito, who was completely bewildered by the entire exercise, approached Hayashi Shin-yi and DeWitt, wanting to know what the two had verified during the exercise.

Before he could even reach the two men, he saw DeWitt holding a rifle fitted with binoculars, admiring it and saying to Lin Xinyi beside him, "I never imagined that with binoculars, ordinary soldiers could shoot at a distance of 300 meters. This is indeed a weapon needed for guerrilla warfare."

Lin Xinyi observed the grenades and landmines placed in front of him and casually remarked, "A single sniper rifle can't stop an entire army; it will only enrage them. What truly undermines morale is the psychological pressure from constant attacks. Various types of landmines are actually more effective. Only by making every soldier feel that they are the next to die can their morale be completely destroyed, leading them to abhor war. An army that enjoys victory cannot possibly abhor war."

After a moment of hesitation, DeWitt said, "Are you studying guerrilla tactics to achieve victory, or are you studying them out of a desire to oppose war? By the way, are you planning to use these tactics against the British and Americans in Southeast Asia?"

Lin Xinyi replied, "If you want to end the war, you must first understand what war is, right? As for the British and Americans, their opponent is not us."

DeWitt shook his head and said, "While I don't know what you're planning, I'd be happy to see the British taught a lesson..."

Saito Shichigoro hesitated for a moment. He really didn't want to know such a thing. How could a naval officer have the idea of ​​fighting against Britain, especially using guerrilla tactics? It was definitely not a good idea. However, he finally spoke up and greeted the two men, "...How did this exercise go? Was the new guerrilla tactic a success?"

Chapter 165 Xiliang

On the afternoon of January 15, 1904, Tian Junyi was urgently summoned to the Governor-General's Mansion in Wuchang. At first, he was wondering what the problem was. However, when he arrived at the entrance of the Governor-General's Mansion, Shi Zhaoji, who was there to greet him, told him that he had been summoned because of the Tibet issue.

Tian Junyi asked, puzzled, "The Tibet issue? I've never even been to Tibet, how can you ask me about Tibet?"

As Shi Zhaoji led the way, he said with a wry smile, "Actually, what the governor wanted to ask was not about Tibet, but about money."

Although Tian Junyi was still puzzled, seeing that they had already reached the hall, he had no choice but to shut up and step forward to greet Duanfang. Duanfang was much more polite to him this time, personally going down the steps and taking his arm to lead him into the hall, saying bluntly, "I invited Brother Tian here today to ask you how much money you can squeeze out."

Tian Junyi hesitated for a moment before asking, "How much does the Governor-General want? What is the purpose of needing money?"

Duanfang shook his head and said with a wry smile, "The British have attacked again, this time with great force, their target is Gyantse. Shigatse and Lhasa may also be in danger. The resident minister in Tibet, You Tai, is completely helpless and can't even give a clear report. We only learned about the British army's actions from foreign newspapers."

Lord Xiliang is currently in a state of great anxiety, lacking both soldiers and weapons. He has already sent me several telegrams, requesting both the purchase of firearms and the request to borrow troops to aid Tibet. Although Huguang has developed reasonably well in the past two years, the Governor-General's Office has no surplus grain. I have no choice but to ask you, my benefactor, how much silver you can spare before I can reply to Lord Xiliang.”

Upon hearing this, Tian Jun felt a surge of anger welling up inside him, but he suppressed it and said calmly, "Whether or not Tibet is protected is up to the imperial court. Although Lord Xiliang is the Governor-General of Sichuan, he cannot bypass the imperial court to protect Tibet. If the imperial court issues a document, wouldn't we be in the same boat as Lord Wenshuo, and even guilty?"

Duanfang was speechless for a moment. Wenshuo was the former Resident Minister in Tibet. He had written to the court to propose a plan for self-defense by quickly raising funds, soldiers, and generals in order to oppose the British invasion of Tibet. However, he was reprimanded by the court for "absurd views and disregard for the overall situation" and was eventually dismissed from his post. Only then did Youtai take over as Resident Minister in Tibet.

As expected, after taking office, You Tai prioritized the overall situation. Wherever the British army occupied, he ordered the Tibetans to evacuate immediately, fearing to offend the British. Last August, British Colonel Younghusband and White led more than 200 men, under the guise of negotiations, to suddenly invade Gamba Dzong in Tibet. Later, in December, they occupied Yatung. It was You Tai's inaction that emboldened the British ambitions.

It was initially thought that the British would stop after occupying these two territories, but unexpectedly, on January 4th of this year, MacDonald and Younghusband led their troops across Pari and advanced to Tuila on the 8th. As they penetrated deeper into the heart of Tibet, Youtai remained steadfast and refused to resist, which began to frustrate the Governor-General of Sichuan, Xiliang.

Xiliang directly telegraphed Duanfang and the imperial court, saying, "If Tibet is not defended, then Gansu, Yunnan, and Sichuan will all be in danger, and Inner and Outer Mongolia and the Yangtze River region will also be a concern."

Although Duanfang wasn't as patriotic as Xiliang, he still respected the Empress Dowager's mindset. The Empress Dowager only wanted to enjoy her later years in peace; as long as there was no war, losing some land was nothing to her. She truly didn't want to be driven out of the capital again. This was also the reason Wenshuo was dismissed—because he wanted to fight the most powerful nation, the British, which would put the Empress Dowager in a very difficult position.

Therefore, initially, Duanfang made excuses. Last year, when the British invaded Tibet, Xiliang wanted to buy guns, but Duanfang kept making excuses about the insufficient production capacity of the Hanyang Arsenal, forcing Xiliang to buy 2000 rifles from the Japanese at a high price. This angered Xiliang, who wrote to the court, stating that Sichuan should build its own arsenal and even sent people to Germany to inspect the production line.

But this year is different, because the situation has changed. The Russians have taken note of the British actions in Tibet. The Russians, who were already preparing to focus their efforts on the Far East, immediately felt that they had the right to demand that China cede Manchuria and make Outer Mongolia a Russian protectorate after seeing that the British had broken their promise to safeguard China's territorial integrity in Tibet.

While making these arrogant demands on China, the Russians also demanded that China dissolve its alliance with Japan and guarantee that it would not form any alliances against Russia in the future.

The Russians are so arrogant because the Russian upper class now generally believes that there is no force in the Far East capable of confronting Russia. Even Japan is only slightly worrisome in terms of its navy; its army is utterly insignificant.

The Russians’ confidence stemmed from the Japanese military exercises at the end of 1901. After visiting a large-scale Japanese military exercise held near Sendai, the military attaché to Japan, Vanovsky, sent back a report stating that “the infantry’s tactical training is weak, and there has been almost no progress in the past three years… The artillery’s organization itself is inadequate. There are many instances of people not knowing how to use artillery, especially rapid-fire guns.”

The conclusion was that "a decisive victory can be achieved by simply launching a slightly rapid and fierce guerrilla campaign with a strong and artillery-equipped cavalry force against such an army."

Major General Ivanov, chief of staff of the First Siberian Army Corps, who accompanied the visit, commented scathingly: "The victories they achieved in the war against China have taught them nothing, and their military technology has not progressed at all. From a European point of view, the Japanese commanders must be classified as incompetent."

The Japanese army was merely a number on paper, existing only in news advertisements; it should be called an "infant army," according to the report given to St. Petersburg by Russian generals in the Far East. And the high-ranking officials in St. Petersburg believed it without question.

Once the situation in Europe began to stabilize, Nicholas II believed that old ministers like Witte could be dismissed, and that Russia should now obey his orders. Nicholas II's so-called orders were actually based on the advice of a group of adventurers in the Far East who wanted to make their fortunes. These adventurers desired the timber of North Korea and the minerals of South Manchuria, and therefore advocated for incorporating Manchuria and Korea into Russia's territory.

Of course, these adventurers weren't completely blinded by greed, believing Japan to be as vulnerable as China—an impression deeply ingrained in the Russian psyche. However, they still harbored some concerns about the Japanese navy, leading to two main opinions within the Russian upper echelons regarding Japan.

One option is to hand South Korea over to Japan and maintain peaceful relations, but Russia would not reach any agreement with Japan on this matter, in order to preserve Russia's claims to its interests in South Korea. The other option is to resolve the China issue first, and then turn back to the Korean issue, maintaining a superficial relationship with Japan until then.

Last year, when the conflict between Germany and France was intense, most Russians favored the first option: to compromise not only with Japan but also with China, in order to avoid a change in the Far East should war break out in Europe. However, as Germany backed down and Europe returned to calm, the latter opinion began to prevail.

In particular, Army Minister Kuropatkin and Imperial Minister Alexander Bezobrazov had been advocating to the Tsar the route of attacking Shanxi and Beijing from Outer Mongolia, believing that only 10,000 cavalrymen were needed to reach the gates of Beijing, force China to surrender, and then cede Manchuria and even Outer Mongolia.

Before heading to Manchuria, Bezobrazov advised the Tsar: "On the way from Outer Mongolia to Beijing, we do not need to pass through anyone's sphere of influence, and other powers cannot oppose us. We can still place heavy troops at the Yalu River and Port Arthur to prevent the Japanese from attacking us. As long as we act quickly enough, we can get the Chinese to sign an agreement before Japan and other powers can react."

Bezobrazov's proposal was strongly opposed by Foreign Minister Ramsdelfo, who believed that Bezobrazov's proposal was isolating Russia from the world and that this fanciful and reckless approach to warfare would make Russia a target of criticism.

However, as the British invasion of Tibet was exposed, Nicholas II realized that what the British could do, the Russians could certainly do as well. Since the Chinese couldn't withstand an attack from a few thousand British troops, they certainly couldn't withstand an attack from tens of thousands of Russian troops. Therefore, Nicholas II dismissed Witte, effectively dismantling a political group centered around Witte, which also included Foreign Secretary Ramsdelford. This meant that it was also time for a change of Foreign Secretary.

Indeed, no one could stop Nicholas II from taking control of the country, even though he had no idea where to lead the Russian chariot. The Russian actions quickly triggered panic in Beijing, which was completely at a loss in the face of Russia's aggressive diplomatic pronouncements.

Empress Dowager Cixi wanted to talk to the Russians again to see if they could reach a secret agreement. After all, she only had a few years left. Even if there were great disasters after her death, as long as she could get through these few years, she would be fine. She would give the Russians whatever they wanted, except to postpone payment.

However, this time, Cixi's idea was met with complete opposition from the court. Whether it was the reformist faction, the imperial relatives, the veteran officials, or the powerful figures, they all opposed yielding to Russia at this time. The reformist faction was concerned about their reputation, the imperial relatives wanted Cixi to leave behind a larger legacy, the veteran official Zhang Zhidong worried that the Russians would be insatiable, and the powerful Beiyang warlord Yuan Shikai advised Cixi, "If China and Japan had not formed an alliance, then there would be nothing wrong with China and Russia signing a secret agreement now, and others would not be able to criticize our country."

However, if China and Japan had already signed an alliance, further compromise with Russia would give Japan a pretext to attack my country. Which territory should my country cede to Japan then? Britain, Russia, and Japan would all have gained benefits for my country, further emboldening other powers to demand concessions. At that point, the Qing Dynasty would truly be finished.

Although Empress Dowager Cixi was displeased, she could only ask Yuan Shikai whether the Beiyang Army could withstand the Russian attack on Beijing. Yuan Shikai, not daring to guarantee anything, told her, "The current problem lies in Tibet. If the Tibetan issue can be properly resolved, then Russia will have no excuse to demand that our country cede territory. Therefore, we should follow Lord Xiliang's advice and send troops into Tibet as soon as possible to stabilize the situation..."

Yuan Shikai's suggestion was partly sincere, but partly harbored ulterior motives. While resolving the Tibet issue would remove the pretext for Russian intervention, it wouldn't necessarily deter the Russians. If the Russians actually attacked, the court would have no choice but to retreat south. Yuan Shikai hoped to disperse some of his forces in Hubei and Hunan, preventing the Beiyang government from becoming dependent on others.

Chapter 166 Discussion

After hesitating for a moment, Duanfang reluctantly told Tian Junyi that sending troops to Tibet was indeed the imperial court's idea, but in order to avoid dissatisfaction from friendly nations, the troops could only be dispatched after consultation between Sichuan and Huguang.

Tian Junyi then understood why Duanfang had sought his consultation: the imperial court did not want to offend Britain, nor did it want to give other powers, including Russia, an excuse to demand benefits from the Qing Dynasty. Therefore, it could only allow local areas to protect themselves. Because this was a matter of local self-defense, Duanfang could not issue an order for funds to be allocated to him in the name of the imperial court.

After a moment of contemplation, he said, “The court wants to protect Tibet but doesn’t want to offend the British. I can’t do such a good thing. Why don’t you ask the army for a plan first, and I’ll look at it and see if I can come up with one? As for other matters, I’m powerless to help.”

Upon hearing Tian Junyi's words, Duanfang felt even more uncertain. Indeed, this was the court's intention: to expect the lower levels to exert effort while also making them take the blame. This was also why he was unwilling to support Xiliang last year; he was afraid of creating diplomatic problems and getting himself implicated.

However, considering the statements from various factions in the court and Yuan Shikai's private letter, he knew that he had no choice but to win over Tian Junyi. The Economic Development and Urban Construction Committee led by Tian Junyi had effectively sidelined him as the Governor of Hubei. All powers except judicial power—including education, administration, and local construction—had fallen to the committee. Furthermore, judicial power required respect for local gentry, meaning that without Tian Junyi's support, he, as the Governor of Hubei, could accomplish virtually nothing.

Unlike other Hubei officials, Tian Junyi did not care about his official position at all. He was only responsible to Zhang Zhidong. Even now that Zhang Zhidong was acting as the Governor-General of Huguang, Tian Junyi still kept his distance from him, which really left Duanfang helpless.

Duanfang was well aware that his visit to Hubei and Zhang Zhidong's trip to Beijing were both attempts by the court to suppress Zhang Zhidong's influence in Huguang. However, after the Boxer Rebellion, Han Chinese governors-general held real power, which could not be easily shaken by Manchus. If the court went too far, it could trigger a chain reaction, as the Southeast Mutual Protection Pact had already demonstrated.

In addition, there are currently only two local power factions in the country: the former Huai clique represented by the Governor-General of Zhili and the Southeast Mutual Protection Force. The Southeast Mutual Protection Force is actually quite fragmented, which is a loose alliance of Han Chinese governors and viceroys. After Li Hongzhang betrayed this group and Liu Kunyi and Tao Mo died one after another, only Zhang Zhidong was left to hold this small group together.

Zhang Zhidong, unlike governors and viceroys like Liu Kunyi and Tao Mo who were backed by the Hunan clique, naturally lacked deep political connections. However, by a twist of fate, he had become a representative of the gentry in the southeast. For example, the Southeast Protection Conference, which refused to dissolve itself, regarded Zhang Zhidong as the protector of the southeastern provinces. This made Duanfang very careful about his actions in Hubei, lest he provoke a backlash from Zhang Zhidong.

Of course, this cannot be blamed on Duanfang. After the Boxer Rebellion, everyone in the world understood that those without troops were sent by the court to appease the foreign powers, but the court dared not offend any of those with troops. Whether it was Yuan Shikai, who held military power, or Dong Fuxiang, who was accused of being the "chief culprit" by the foreign powers, everyone was safe and sound. The only people the court could cut off were the heads of the Manchus.

No matter how much he wanted to serve the Manchu regime, Duanfang was uneasy seeing the court using the heads of Manchu nobles to intimidate Han governors. Therefore, after taking office as governor of Hubei, he quickly sided with Yuan Shikai, hoping that if something went wrong, Yuan Shikai could intervene on his behalf in front of Zhang Zhidong.

This time, Yuan Shikai told him in a private letter that the Russians were becoming increasingly aggressive in the north, and that Beijing might be in danger again. Since Russia and the Qing Dynasty were land neighbors, even the northwest was no longer safe. If anything happened, he would have to go south to take refuge.

The only places in the south that would allow the two emperors to make an imperial tour were Nanjing and Wuchang. Therefore, it was necessary to divide Zhang Zhidong's power in Hubei, so that if the court really marched south, everyone would be at the mercy of General Zhang. Duanfang immediately realized that if this situation occurred, he would be in the most difficult position, because he was not only representing the court to suppress Zhang Zhidong's power in Hubei, but he had also sided with Yuan Shikai. If Zhang Zhidong did not deal with him when he returned, that would be truly merciful.

However, Hubei's finances were controlled by Tian Junyi, its administration by Liang Dingfen, and its military by Zhang Biao—all three were Zhang Zhidong's cronies. The latter two were alright; they still cared about their official positions, so no matter how coldly they treated him, they would still say a few words of loyalty to the court. But Tian Junyi claimed that he was not an official; he was just doing things for the local people, so he never spoke of the court.

This allowed Duanfang to still manage to win over the latter two to some extent. As for Tian Junyi, he usually had his secretary handle things or simply issued an official document, because he knew that this man had no regard for the imperial court. If it weren't for the fact that he didn't usually promote anti-Manchuism, he would have thought that this man was a revolutionary. Nowadays, revolutionaries inevitably talk about nationalism, and talking about nationalism inevitably involves promoting anti-Manchuism, so it's quite easy to distinguish them.

Seeing Tian Junyi's attitude, Duanfang felt somewhat relieved. He had been worried that Tian would completely shirk responsibility and avoid involvement, which would have made the military deployment much more complicated. It wasn't that the Governor-General's Office couldn't afford it; after the implementation of the opium monopoly tax, this tax revenue became a large source of income that the Governor-General's Office could freely use. While other taxes had their destinations, nearly a third of the increased opium monopoly tax revenue was given to the Governor-General's Office for its own disposal.

However, Duanfang was naturally unwilling to use this money to fill the hole left by the military campaign. Seven or eight hundred thousand taels was a lot for an individual, but it was far from enough to fight a war. Therefore, the Hubei treasury had to be responsible for it. But how the Hubei treasury should spend the money depended on Zhang Zhidong, and below him was Tian Junyi. If Tian Junyi stood up to him, then the military campaign would be abandoned.

Duanfang didn't want Tian Junyi to go back and overthink things. If he went to consult Zhang Zhidong, things would become more complicated. So he immediately followed up on Tian Junyi's words and said, "What you said is not wrong. Let's have a few responsible people in the army come over and give their opinions. You can listen in and give some advice."

Seeing Duanfang's enthusiastic attitude, Tian Junyi had no choice but to sit aside and wait. Soon, Zhang Biao and the main generals of the army were invited to the Governor's Mansion. Zhang Biao, Wu Dianying, and Li Yuanhong were all from the old army and were considered veterans of Zhang Zhidong's side. They were also the founders of the Hubei New Army. Following behind them were the backbone of the New Army, a group of generals who had studied in Japan: Tie Zhong, Liu Bangji, Deng Chengbo, Wan Tingxian, Wu Zuyin, Wu Luzhen, and others.

When Duan Fang raised the issue of sending troops to Tibet, the generals all fell silent. Duan Fang had no choice but to call on them one by one. Zhang Biao, whose name was called, had to speak up, saying, "If we send troops to Tibet from Hubei, by the time we get to Lhasa, it will probably be too late. I think it's most appropriate for Sichuan to send troops."

Wu Dianying then said tactfully, "If the imperial court issues an edict, we naturally have nothing to say, but since the imperial court refuses to issue an edict, how can the army be dispatched?"

Li Yuanhong thought for a moment before saying, "The new army has not been expanded for long, and it is probably beyond its capabilities to launch an expedition to Tibet."

Among the younger generals, several were still quite impetuous. Wu Luzhen said, "If we are going to send troops, the court should first deal with the resident minister in Tibet. Otherwise, if we go to Tibet, and they say we can't offend friendly people, then what are we doing going to Tibet?"

Wu Zuyin also said, "Yes, what Shouqing said is true. Only when the leaders and subordinates are of one mind can the morale of the army be maintained. If the leaders do not want to fight, how can the subordinates be willing to fight to the death?"

Seeing the army's lack of respect, Duanfang's face darkened, and he said, "They say you raise an army for a thousand days to use it for one. When something happens on the country's border, how come you don't even have a plan and can only shirk responsibility?"

Everyone turned their attention to Zhang Biao, who had no choice but to speak up: "What you say is true, sir, but from the expansion of the army last year to today, it has only been a little over 400 days at most, which seems to be more than halfway to a thousand days. Why don't we wait until the thousand days are up before we talk about it?"

Duanfang laughed in exasperation, looking at Zhang Biao and saying, "Officer Zhang, do you think you have connections above you, so you don't take me seriously? Are you trying to find fault with what I said?"

Zhang Biao had no choice but to take a tougher stance. Duanfang had been trying to win over military leaders for the past year, and had even promoted Manchus like Tie Zhong. If Duanfang were to use the military expedition to dismantle the New Army, wouldn't Hubei be under the control of the Toteke? How could he face Zhang Zhidong then?

He replied solemnly, “I am telling the truth. Throughout this year, the armaments produced by the Hanyang Arsenal have been prioritized for the Beiyang Army. According to you, sir, the Beiyang Army bears a heavy responsibility in guarding the capital region, so its strength should be restored first. My Hubei army has never complained to you, sir, but the lack of equipment in the army has led to insufficient training, which is also true. I did not mean to contradict you, sir.”

The other generals glanced at Zhang Biao but ultimately remained silent. They knew very well that the Hubei New Army wasn't lacking in weaponry, but rather in training. Hubei had secretly imported a batch of military equipment and ammunition from foreign powers, enough to arm two garrisons. However, this equipment originally belonged to the Beiyang Army, so Zhang Zhidong didn't dare to equip it openly after acquiring it. Coupled with a shortage of officers, only four regiments were established.

Just as the atmosphere in the hall reached a stalemate, Tian Junyi suddenly spoke up to smooth things over, saying, "The Governor-General isn't saying he wants to decide on sending troops from Huguang today, but rather asking how many troops and what tactics to use to make the British back down given the current situation in Tibet. We need a plan to give an account to all parties, don't we?"

If you generals are currently without ideas, perhaps you should go back and think about it first. You could also send a telegram to the military academy students studying abroad and ask them for their opinions. What does Your Excellency think?

Duanfang glanced at the silent generals in the hall, knowing that if he didn't back down now, things would definitely come to a head. After a moment's thought, he stood up and said, "Then we'll give you three days. If you can't come up with a plan by then, I think the new army needs a reorganization. The court has spent so much money on the new army; even if it's thrown into the water, shouldn't we at least see some results?"

Chapter 167 Impulse

After leaving the governor's mansion, Wu Luzhen made an excuse to leave with his companions. He then waited for Tian Junyi to come out of the mansion. He accompanied Tian Junyi toward the dock outside the city. On the way, Tian Junyi said to him with some dissatisfaction, "How can you stop me on the road like this? If others see this and it gets to Zhang Biao and Liang Dingfen's ears, it will ruin the party's arrangements in the new army."

After a moment of silence, Wu Luzhen said, "Don't worry, Commander Xiang told me to get to know you better. He said that if there are any issues within the new army that Commander Zhang can't decide, he can consult you. It seems that Commander Xiang is also somewhat uneasy about Commander Zhang and Governor Liang, which is why he plans to have those of us who are not so loyal to the court start our own organization."

Tian Jun replied without looking away, "Loyalty based on personal interests will naturally change as those interests change. Liang Dingfen may not change; he is Zhang Zhidong's trusted advisor. Without Zhang Zhidong, who would dare to use him?"

But Zhang Biao is different. He's a warrior, and in their eyes, a warrior is one who prioritizes profit over righteousness. If the offer is high enough, Zhang Biao should go for it. If he doesn't, can he still be called a warrior?