Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 69

What exactly happened in the Wuxu Coup? Others might not know, but don't we people from Hubei and Hunan know? It was about a group of patriotic individuals who wanted to save the country and hoped to implement reforms with the emperor's support to achieve self-reliance. However, there was a group of scoundrels who valued their own interests more than the interests of the nation. Once the reforms threatened their interests, they abandoned all talk of loyalty to the emperor and patriotism. They colluded with the empress dowager to imprison the emperor and murder the patriotic reformers, claiming they were acting in the court's best interests.

So what did this court gain for the country after imprisoning the emperor, executing Tan Sitong and the other six gentlemen, and abolishing the New Policies? The Boxer Rebellion, the Boxer Rebellion, the invasion of China by the Eight-Nation Alliance, the Russian occupation of Manchuria and Outer Mongolia, and the British invasion of Tibet. Can obedience to this illegitimate court be considered loyalty to the emperor and patriotism?

After a moment of silence, the soldiers finally shouted, "It doesn't count! It doesn't count!" The soldiers' shouts went from being scattered to being perfectly unified, moving the senior officers on the stage, including Li Yuanhong. They knew, of course, what this meant: it meant that Tian Junyi had already won over the morale of the army, and that this army could no longer defect to the Governor-General's Office.

Chen Delong and several other officers who advocated obedience to the Governor-General's office were now also becoming uneasy. Faced with the soldiers' growing consensus, these officers clearly couldn't resist the prevailing trend. This meant they had chosen the wrong side, and although no consequences had yet occurred, it was clearly a stain on their record should the rebels truly win.

Tian Junyi then went on to argue, from the perspectives of protecting the interests of foreigners and the court's increasingly rampant exploitation of the people's wealth, that the current court could not represent the interests of the country before making his final conclusion.

"...In short, a nation is a large family composed of all its citizens, not the domain of a single family or clan. Therefore, the interests of the nation include our individual interests; it encompasses the interests of all citizens and is not merely the interests of the Empress Dowager, the Aisin Gioro clan, the Manchus, or bureaucrats like Li Hongzhang."

Therefore, when we, the Hubei New Army, talk about patriotism, we love the country that represents our interests; as for loyalty to the emperor, where are the loyal ministers in the court now? Aren't they all a bunch of traitors and rebels? Therefore, we should be loyal to the interests of the people. What are the people? They are the citizens who are willing to defend this country.

Therefore, the workers, soldiers, and peasants of Hanyang and Hankou have decided to establish a Workers', Peasants', and Soldiers' Committee to take over the three towns of Wuhan. From this day forward, we will fight for ourselves, not for those traitors. Do you want to join us?

At this point, naturally no one would object to Tian Junyi's demands, because Tian Junyi had already torn away the fig leaf of the court represented by Tie Liang and Duan Fang. Everyone felt that such a court was not so scary. They could neither protect the country nor gain the support of the people, and could only protect the interests of foreigners under the rebukes of foreigners. In the end, weren't they just afraid of being beaten by foreigners?

However, the Hubei New Army no longer harbored such fear towards foreigners, having defeated the British in Tibet—a resounding victory against overwhelming odds. Since the court feared foreigners, why couldn't it also fear them?

Moreover, Tian Junyi didn't say he wanted to attack Beijing and change the dynasty; he only said he wanted to protect the interests of Wuhan and Hubei. This proposition was highly supported by the army, which was mainly composed of Hubei people. They might hesitate to attack the imperial court, but when it came to protecting their own territory, almost no one would hesitate.

By the time Tian Junyi finished his speech, dawn was breaking. Although the sun had not yet risen, the world was already beginning to lighten. The officers and soldiers of the Second Town began to form a soldiers' committee and hand over command to the uprising troops. At the same time, Tian Junyi also summoned officers of the rank of platoon leader and above and suggested that if they did not wish to participate in the uprising, they could receive a month's salary and go home to visit their families.

Chapter 239 Lobbyist

As the rising sun cast its golden rays upon the earth, the city of Wuchang, which had been engulfed in gunfire for most of the night, finally fell silent. However, the usual crowds of people out washing toilets and fetching water were almost entirely absent; the streets were deserted, save for heavily armed soldiers patrolling the streets. The labor union cadres of Wuchang began going from street to street to reassure the residents and establish neighborhood committees to handle their daily needs, such as food, clothing, and necessities.

With the establishment of these street committees, the Wuchang Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee, initially a mere shell, began to take control of the Wuchang urban area street by street, bringing the residents under its jurisdiction. With the support of these civic organizations, the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee gained the power to provide logistical support to the uprising troops and to maintain discipline within them. Once social order began to be restored, the army, as usual, began to accept orders from its new superiors.

Unlike the smooth progress of the Wuchang Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee's takeover of the city, the atmosphere inside and outside the Governor's Mansion was one of frustration. While a nighttime attack could be attributed to mutinous soldiers, most people believed that these soldiers would disperse by daybreak, or at least that their own people would come to the Governor's Mansion's rescue.

This simple idea was based on the premise that "we are officials and soldiers representing the imperial court, while the rebels are traitors who have no support from the people." How could the traitors dare to attack the provincial capital of Hubei in broad daylight? As long as the officials and soldiers from all over the provincial capital received the news and rushed to the scene, the traitors would inevitably be defeated and killed.

However, this idea was now beginning to waver in the minds of the officers and soldiers guarding the Governor's Mansion. Although it was already dawn, the rioters had not only not begun to disperse, but even the sounds of resistance within the city could no longer be heard. This meant that only the area around the Governor's Mansion remained to resist. This was a huge blow to their morale, because they began to feel that they were now in the minority in Wuchang, while the rebels had become the majority.

Even worse, after a night of resistance, everyone was running low on ammunition, their stomachs were empty, and their strength was waning. The governor's mansion might have some food stored, but no one cared about these lowly soldiers guarding the outer perimeter; after all, the kitchen inside the governor's mansion wasn't for them.

When the rebels sent Li Yuanhong, the commander of the Second Division, to negotiate peace, the officers and soldiers guarding the Governor's Mansion were not angry at all. Instead, they all breathed a sigh of relief, thinking that negotiating peace might be a way out. After all, they couldn't all die here. Moreover, Li Yuanhong's appearance also meant that the Governor's Mansion had lost its last hope in the city, and the rebels had completely taken control of the army in Wuchang except for the Governor's Mansion.

For Duanfang, Tieliang, Liang Dingfen, and others, the message brought by Li Yuanhong was not a condition for peace; it was clearly an order to surrender. Liang Dingfen had not anticipated that the three towns of Wuhan would change so drastically in just one day. He no longer wanted to say anything, because he knew his position was far too awkward. The Manchus would not believe him now, and the rebel army would no longer pay him any attention. It was safest to remain silent.

After reviewing the conditions brought by Li Yuanhong, Duanfang merely gave Li Yuanhong a stern but ultimately weak rebuke, asking if he was also the mastermind behind the mutiny, and then fell silent. Duanfang truly had nothing to say. He lacked the courage to refuse Li Yuanhong's conditions, but accepting them directly was unacceptable, so he decided to pass the buck to Tie Liang, who, as the imperial envoy, theoretically had the authority to make the decision.

Tie Liang, having honed his skills under Ronglu, possessed more courage than the mild-mannered Manchu like Duanfang. Without this courage, Empress Dowager Cixi would not have allowed him to travel south and reclaim the power of local governors. (Note: In the first year of the Tongzhi reign (1862), she was given the title "Empress Dowager Cixi." Her full title during her lifetime was: Empress Dowager Cixi Duanren Youkangyi Zhaoyu Zhuangchengshou Gongqin Xian Chongxi.)

After reading the letter brought by Li Yuanhong, Tie Liang calmly looked at Li Yuanhong standing in the hall and asked, "What is this Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee? What gives it the right to give orders to me and the Governor-General of Huguang? Are you trying to rebel?"

Although the mornings in Wuchang in December were already quite chilly, Li Yuanhong still felt a sticky sensation on his back. He had no choice but to take on this messenger role. After Tian Junyi finished speaking to the soldiers in his camp and dismissed the officers who did not want to join the uprising, the command of the Second Division was taken over by the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee represented by Tian Junyi.

This is actually quite logical. Since Li Yuanhong couldn't find a way out for his subordinates and was hesitant, his officers and soldiers naturally wouldn't risk their lives to support him. On the contrary, Tian Junyi not only provided a way out but also established the organization for the uprising. At this point, the Second Division didn't join the uprising as a whole but as individuals.

Under these circumstances, the original command structure of the Second Division was disrupted. Officers were stripped of their command authority, and the Soldiers' Committee became the leading body of the Second Division, reporting to the Workers', Peasants', and Soldiers' Committee. Although the new organizational structure would weaken the Second Division's combat effectiveness, in the current Wuchang city, the Workers', Peasants', and Soldiers' Committee did not value the combat effectiveness of individual units, as Duanfang's forces were even weaker.

Thus, Li Yuanhong had no choice but to submit to Tian Junyi's command and contribute to the peaceful resolution of the Wuchang Uprising. This was also a pledge of loyalty, and Li Yuanhong understood that if he refused to do even this, it would be tantamount to publicly stating that he did not support the coup but was merely acting opportunistically under pressure. In the end, he did not dare to test Tian Junyi's patience, after all, the other party had killed Tie Zhong.

Li Yuanhong noticed Duanfang's bluster and cowardice, which emboldened him slightly. Faced with Tie Liang's questioning, Li Yuanhong cautiously replied, "Lord Tie, I don't quite understand what you mean. This is clearly a mutiny triggered by the Governor-General's order for troops to enter Hanyang. The people of the three towns of Wuhan, in order to appease the soldiers and civilians, had no choice but to organize the Workers', Peasants', and Soldiers' Committee. Their purpose was precisely to quell the mutiny. How can you say we are rebelling?"

Upon hearing this, Tie Liang flew into a rage and said, "Does the Governor-General of Huguang not even have the authority to mobilize troops? Without the permission of the imperial court, you have arbitrarily established the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee and even allowed Tang Caichang, a wanted criminal of the imperial court, to join it. What is this if not rebellion?"

Li Yuanhong sighed, his tone finally hardening: "Whether to rebel or not is not up to Lord Tie, but up to the imperial court. The imperial court has not authorized Lord Tie to convict us, and Lord Tie insists on forcing the people to rebel, so this matter will be difficult to end peacefully."

Duanfang and Tieliang were both stunned. Liang Dingfen finally couldn't help but speak up: "This is going to get out of hand. Do you really dare to attack the Governor's Mansion?"

Li Yuanhong ignored Liang Dingfen, took out his pocket watch, glanced at it, and said, "It's 6:55 now. If we haven't received a reply outside by 8 o'clock, the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee will assume that Lord Tie and the Governor-General have been killed and will launch a full-scale crackdown on the Manchu rebellion in the city."

Duanfang stared dumbfounded at Li Yuanhong. Tie Liang suddenly stood up, pointed at Li Yuanhong, and shouted, "What audacity! The officers in the army all say that you, Fatty Li, are kind-hearted and benevolent, like a Maitreya Buddha. I never imagined you had such a heart of stone. Manchus rebelling, do you think you can convince the world with such words? I think you don't want to leave the Governor-General's office alive."

Li Yuanhong sighed again, shaking his head, and said, "Does Lord Tie really think I came here voluntarily? When I came in, Tian Junyi told me that if I died here, I would be considered a hero of the uprising. I didn't want it, but they insisted on giving it to me. As for the Manchu rebellion, Tian Junyi also said that you supported the Empress Dowager in imprisoning the Emperor, isn't that a rebellion? Everyone in the world knows that you are all traitors and rebels. Why are you pretending to be confused, Lord Tie?"

Tie Liang was truly stunned. He thought for a long time but couldn't figure out how to refute Li Yuanhong's words. Liang Dingfen, standing beside him, sneered and asked, "I didn't realize Tian Junyi had such audacity. Is he planning a rebellion? Or is he planning to purge the court of corrupt officials? It's a pity he's not from the Aisin Gioro clan. Who would follow him to the capital? What exactly is he trying to do?"

While Li Yuanhong remained silent, a geshiha suddenly ran down to the hall and loudly reported to the people inside, "My lords, something terrible has happened! The rebels have occupied Zhonghe Gate and Wenchang Gate, and all the city gates leading out of the city have fallen into their hands. And..."

"What else?" Duanfang finally stormed to the steps, shouting angrily at Goshha, who was kneeling on the ground. Goshha, not daring to raise his head, replied, "The rebels on the other side are shouting at us, saying that the troops stationed inside and outside Wuchang have joined them. They are now announcing the names of their units, demanding that the Governor-General's training corps also join them..."

Duanfang hadn't yet grasped the significance of the rebels' actions, but Tie Liang and Liang Dingfen beside him immediately understood. Liang Dingfen opened his mouth but didn't utter a sound, while Tie Liang finally spoke up, pointing out, "This is the Gaixia Song. Tian Junyi is treating us like Xiang Yu, the King of Chu, who is at his wit's end. He really has some clever tricks up his sleeve."

However, despite knowing this, the three were still at a loss, because morale had already wavered, and unless a surprise force appeared outside Wuchang, it would be impossible for the government troops inside and outside the governor's mansion to hold out any longer.

At this point, Duanfang finally couldn't help but say to Tieliang, "Why don't we feign compliance first, and then make a plan after we escape this predicament? As long as we leave this place, the outside world will ultimately still belong to our Great Qing. I don't believe those soldiers will follow Tian Junyi to their deaths..."

At this moment, Liang Dingfen advised Tie Liang and Duan Fang, "No, it is unacceptable. There is no precedent in our dynasty for an imperial envoy and a governor-general of Huguang to surrender to a group of mutinous soldiers. In the current situation, we can only remain loyal and devoted to the emperor to repay his grace, and we must not tarnish the dignity of the court."

However, Duanfang didn't want to die. He glanced at Tieliang beside him and realized that Tieliang also had no intention of approving. At this moment, Li Yuanhong suddenly interjected and asked, "Liang Dao said he wanted to repay the Emperor's favor. Which Emperor's favor is it? The Emperor or the Empress Dowager? The Emperor probably doesn't need Liang Dao's repayment. As for the Empress Dowager, I don't think she would like the officials turning a military coup into a Manchu rebellion."

Liang Dingfen blushed and couldn't refute, but Duanfang quickly chimed in, "For the sake of the Empress Dowager and the Emperor's reputation, it's nothing for us subjects to suffer a little grievance. We can't let our own reputation cause discord between the Empress Dowager and the Emperor, or we would be guilty of a terrible crime."

Tie Liang glanced at Liang Dingfen, then at Li Yuanhong, and finally turned and left, saying, "This is a matter for Huguang. The Governor-General can make the decision himself."

Chapter 240 Concept

At 7:27 AM on December 4th, the guards of the Wuchang Governor's Mansion surrendered their weapons. With the Governor's Mansion abandoning resistance, the soldiers and Manchus who had been resisting throughout Wuchang City also laid down their arms, and order began to be restored in Wuchang City. After exchanging information with the command posts in Hankou and Hanyang via radio, Tian Junyi entered the Governor's Mansion, which had already been cleared, at 8:49 AM.

Inside the second hall, Tian Junyi, Wang Chuzhen, and others sat on the east side, while Tie Liang, Duan Fang, and Liang Dingfen sat on the west side. Liang Dingfen stared at Tian Junyi and said, "How can you do this to Xiang Shuai?"

Tian Jun glanced at him and replied, "To protect the people of Huguang, Commander Xiang is willing to support the Southeast Mutual Protection Pact. That's why I respect Commander Xiang. The people are always more important than the court, especially a court without legitimacy. On the other hand, Lord Liang always talks about loyalty to the emperor in the army and schools, but the emperor is currently imprisoned in the palace, while your official position is getting higher and higher. You're doing a very good job."

Liang Dingfen was naturally furious, but seeing the disdainful looks he received from the group of officers opposite him, he finally didn't dare to refute Tian Junyi anymore. He understood that these people were all wicked, and whatever he said would not gain their approval; on the contrary, it might put him in a dangerous situation.

By this time, Duanfang had long lost the air of a high-ranking official. In truth, his rise to the position of Governor-General of Huguang was not due to his own abilities, but rather to his Manchu identity and his role in receiving the emperor during the Boxer Rebellion. Otherwise, given his active participation in the Hundred Days' Reform, he wouldn't have been dismissed after the coup and so quickly reinstated.

Duanfang's power always came from the imperial court, but he had no solid relationship with the Manchu nobles. Therefore, Duanfang always maintained a humble attitude because he knew he had no one to rely on. Now that these rebels did not recognize his status as governor-general and his troops had been disarmed and taken away, although he held the title of governor-general of Huguang, he was practically no different from a prisoner. At this point, he naturally wanted to resolve the mutiny peacefully.

Therefore, he didn't want Liang Dingfen and Tian Junyi to argue, so he changed the subject, saying, "Things have come to this point, so we should try to resolve this first. I wonder what Commissioner Tian's requirements are for the troops to return to their camp?"

Tian Jun turned his gaze to Duan Fang, but did not reply immediately. Instead, he glanced at Tie Liang beside Duan Fang before speaking, "Of course, the problem needs to be solved, otherwise I wouldn't be sitting here talking to the Governor-General. However, as the sages have said, 'If the name is not correct, the words will not be proper; if the words are not proper, things will not be accomplished.' Therefore, the first step in solving the current problem is to rectify the name of the incident. I wonder if the Governor-General agrees?"

Duanfang looked around and tentatively asked, "How do we rectify the name?"

Tian Junyi said, "Reporting to the court that a mutiny has occurred in Huguang is not good for the Governor-General or for us. Therefore, we believe this is not..."

It was not a mutiny, but a military remonstrance.

Looking at the national humiliation of the Boxer Rebellion, the Russian occupation of Manchuria and Outer Mongolia, and the British invasion of Tibet, the Hundred Days' Reform was undoubtedly the right thing to do. If it hadn't been ruined by a small group of ambitious individuals, the country would not have had to suffer such humiliation.

Therefore, we believe that the Hundred Days' Reform, launched by Li Hongzhang in collusion with the Empress Dowager, was a reactionary coup. Li Hongzhang first sabotaged the reform movement and then ceded territory and paid indemnities to foreigners, making him a traitor to the nation. We urge the Governor-General to petition the court to strip Li Hongzhang and his family of all titles and honors, confiscate their property to replenish the national treasury, and exonerate the six innocent gentlemen who were executed.

Given the current illegitimacy of the emperor and the lack of authority of the court to command the empire, we request Your Excellency the Governor-General to petition the court to convene a national assembly to set things right and rebuild central authority. Until the assembly convenes, Huguang will not accept any orders from the court, except for matters concerning resistance against Russia and Britain, which can be negotiated separately…

Upon hearing this, Tie Liang and Liang Dingfen almost jumped up at the same time. Tie Liang immediately shouted angrily at Tian Junyi, "You have no respect for the court! How is this any different from a rebellion? Are you trying to quell a mutiny? You are rebelling!"

Before Liang Dingfen could speak, Tian Junyi said to the people around him, "I've thought about it. Liang Dao is neither a Manchu nor a governor-general or an imperial envoy. What is he talking to us about here? Please ask Liang Dao to go and rest."

Two officers immediately went to Liang Dingfen's side and, half-carried and half-persuaded, led him off the stage. At this moment, Tian Junyi glanced at Tie Liang with contempt and said, "If we kill you here, it would only benefit Yuan Shikai. So, we won't kill you. Since Lord Tie is unwilling to participate in national affairs, you might as well go and rest. We will inform you of the results after discussing with the Governor-General."

Although Tian Junyi's tone was calm, Tie Liang could detect a hint of murderous intent. The other New Army officers in the hall also looked eager to try their luck. Clearly, they weren't as polite to him, a Manchu, as they were to Liang Dingfen, a local strongman. Tie Liang finally lost heart. He flicked his sleeves and walked out of the hall, only pausing as he passed Duan Fang. Without even looking at him, he said, "Wu Qiao, you'd better watch yourself."

Duanfang watched as Tieliang walked down the steps under the guard of the officers, ultimately not daring to utter a word to stop him. He could only stare blankly at Tieliang's retreating figure. Over the next hour, Duanfang finally yielded to Tian Junyi, not only handing over the governor's seal but also agreeing to transfer power in Huguang to the Workers, Peasants and Soldiers Committee.

At 11 a.m., Tian Junyi crossed the river to Wangjiaxiang Wharf in Hankou, where he immediately convened a meeting with the Central Committee members of the Workers' Party who had arrived there, in a small building. The fact that the three towns of Wuhan could undergo such a dramatic transformation overnight was extremely encouraging for the Central Committee members of the Workers' Party.

However, at the meeting, Tang Caichang also expressed his concerns: "Although the three towns of Wuhan are now in our hands, Wuchang, Hanyang and Hankou are separated by the Yangtze River. We only have one gunboat now, while the foreign powers have much stronger military power on the Yangtze River. If the foreign powers side with the court, we will be in a disadvantageous position. Therefore, the most urgent task is to gain the understanding of the foreign powers. Even if we cannot get them to stand on our side, we cannot get them to stand on the court's side."

Other committee members agreed with Tang Caichang's view, but many others held an extremely optimistic view. They believed that the Workers' Party was not now seeking a civil war with the court, but rather hoped to establish a parliament to further integrate with the world. Therefore, the great powers had no reason to interfere, since they had been claiming to bring civilization to China.

Having dealt with the foreign powers for a long time, Qin Lishan had gained some understanding of their character. He couldn't help but pour cold water on the committee members, saying, "These foreign powers are so eager to make money that they even sell opium to China. How could they possibly support us just because we are holding a national assembly? If we want the support of the foreign powers, we will probably have to acknowledge the unequal treaties that the court has signed with them, or even sign more unequal treaties. Otherwise, they will not support us."

Qin Lishan's words silenced many committee members, but some retorted, "We can't generalize. At least the Germans have treated us well. Didn't the Central Committee say in a previous meeting that we should ally with Germany to counter Britain and France?"

Upon hearing this, Tian Jun finally spoke up, saying, "The idea of ​​allying with Germany to contain Britain and France is good, but we can't expect the Germans to offer help in our time of need. The Germans won't go to war with Britain and France for our sake, and they don't have the strength to do so in the Far East either."

Our advocacy of an alliance with Germany to counter Britain and France is based on the premise that we can resist British and French invasion and gain German support. Conversely, if we do nothing and only expect the Germans to shield us from British and French invasion, then unless we give the Germans more benefits, they will not do such a foolish thing.

For my country, the goal of uniting with Germany is only twofold: to introduce German technology and capital to develop my country's industry, and to garner international sympathy from Germany. Anything beyond these two goals is unrealistic wishful thinking.

Tian Junyi's conclusion left the committee members speechless. They then asked him what the next step should be. After a moment's thought, Tian Junyi said, "I previously informed you all by telegram that although we have control of the three towns of Wuhan, this is not a complete revolution, because there are not many people who truly want to overthrow the imperial court and establish a new republic."

Most people are simply dissatisfied with the ruling class in the court, believing they are incapable of resisting foreign aggression and solving a series of development problems. Therefore, if we demand that the court resist Britain and Russia to defend territorial sovereignty and further deepen reforms, we will inevitably gain the sympathy of most people. However, if we advocate overthrowing the court, most centrists will distance themselves from us, because the majority are still trying to maintain the old system. What they want is simply to open a window or a door, not to tear it down and rebuild it.

Of course, as social change continues to move forward, the number of people supporting this conservative mentality will inevitably increase. The reason why the dynasty was overthrown is that it was incompetent to lead China's reforms. This was not decided by one or two powerful figures, but by the will of an entire vested interest group.

The question is: without the support of these vested interest groups, can the government still be called a government? Therefore, the current situation is that reform is a dead end for the government, and not reforming is also a dead end; it's just a matter of one dying quickly and the other slowly. Therefore, the work of our Workers' Party is to prove that the government is incapable of changing China, and that the people must rise up and save themselves.

Before the people awaken, our task is to prompt them to awaken as soon as possible, not to wage war against the Qing Dynasty. I believe the only way to awaken the people is to promote Marxist scientific socialism.

Before we begin our propaganda to the people, we must first establish our party's political ideology. Our party strives for scientific socialism, not Han chauvinism. We advocate laborism, not anti-Manchuism.

Our party has two economic propositions: first, labor is the only way to create social wealth; second, the distribution of social wealth must be based on the foundation of labor creating social wealth…

When the Labour Party was first established, its members knew little about Marx's scientific socialism, resulting in inaccurate propaganda. Nationalism, utopian ideals, and statism held considerable influence within the party. Tian Junyi's formal clarification of the party's political ideology is undoubtedly a step towards purifying the party's political work.

Chapter 241 East Warm Pavilion

The East Warm Pavilion of the Hall of Mental Cultivation has been where Empress Dowager Cixi held court since 1861. If in the past there was a need for an emperor to stand in front of Cixi, after returning from Xi'an, there was no longer a need for an emperor to be there.

Although she was driven out of Beijing by the Eight-Nation Alliance, Empress Dowager Cixi's authority was even greater after she returned to the capital. It was impossible to tell that the invasion of the Eight-Nation Alliance had affected her at all. Manchu and Han officials were as cautious as ever in front of her, and dared not do anything disrespectful.

Today, the Grand Councilors stood silently in the East Warm Pavilion, none daring to look up at the Empress Dowager's expression. Of course, just by looking at the Empress Dowager's hand holding the telegram, one could tell just how furious she was.

Just as everyone was silently examining the pattern of the carpet on the east warm pavilion, Empress Dowager Cixi's voice finally rang out from the head of the table, "Where is Zhang Zhidong? Why hasn't he arrived yet?"

Although Empress Dowager Cixi's voice sounded neither pleased nor angry, Prince Qing Yikuang still replied indignantly: "Your Majesty, after receiving the telegram, Zhang Zhidong took off his official hat and went home to await punishment. As the Governor-General of Huguang, how could he have raised such a group of traitors? How could he have the face to see Your Majesty? I believe that Zhang Zhidong should be severely punished as a warning to others."

The two Manchu ministers, Rongqing and Shixu, and the two Han ministers, Qu Hongji and Lu Chuanlin, all echoed Prince Qing's sentiments. Only Yuan Shikai stood blankly at the end of the line, seemingly lost in thought. Empress Dowager Cixi quickly turned her gaze to Yuan Shikai and asked, "Minister Yuan, what are your thoughts?"

Yuan Shikai then came to his senses and bowed to Empress Dowager Cixi, saying, "I believe that punishing Governor Zhang would only give the traitors more ammunition and make them even more lawless. This matter is definitely not related to Governor Zhang, and I am willing to vouch for him."

Empress Dowager Cixi glanced at Prince Qing beside her, and Yikuang quickly stepped forward and rebuked Yuan Shikai, saying, "How dare you! At this time, you still want to plead for Zhang Zhidong? Are you two colluding in private? Are you trying to force the Empress Dowager to abdicate?"

Yuan Shikai quickly knelt on the ground and kowtowed to defend Zhang Zhidong, saying, "I am only thinking of the Qing Dynasty and have no selfish motives. I would never dare to think of forcing the emperor to abdicate. I am just saying what comes to mind. I beg Your Majesty to make a wise judgment."

Empress Dowager Cixi glanced at everyone in the room. Apart from Yuan Shikai, they were all frail old men. If Tie Liang were here, he might have the courage to say a few words from the heart. The others would only obey her to her face, but who knows how they would applaud the telegram behind her back.

She interrupted Prince Qing's reprimand of Yuan Shikai, saying, "Yuan Shikai is right. After Zhang Zhidong is punished, will you go and quell those traitors in Huguang for me?"

Prince Qing immediately fell silent, as did the other Grand Councilors. The Qing Dynasty was currently surrounded by wolves: the Russians wanted to force the Qing to sign treaties ceding Manchuria and Outer Mongolia, and the British were eyeing Tibet covetously. They were merely trying to keep the crumbling edifice afloat; they had no capacity to quell the rebellion in Huguang.

To be honest, dealing with Zhang Zhidong within the system was simply a matter of issuing an imperial edict, but dealing with the military leaders below was a different story. These military leaders, once they got serious, would resort to real combat. But did the Qing Dynasty still have a capable army at the moment? Or rather, were the capable armies truly loyal to the Qing Dynasty?

Seeing that the room was completely silent, Cixi waved her hand and said to Li Lianying, who was serving her, "Why don't you send someone to invite Lord Zhang? Do you think I have to ask the Emperor to write an imperial edict to appoint you servants!"

Li Lianying dared not utter a sound and quickly received the order to leave the room. Only then did Empress Dowager Cixi ask Prince Qing, "Has the telegram been received in Jiangning? What did Wei Guangtao say?"

Yikuang hesitated for a moment, but finally told the truth: "Lord Wei is very indignant about the rebels in Huguang and has expressed his willingness to help the court to suppress them. However, Lord Wei also said that Tie Liang had previously disbanded his troops in Liangjiang, and now he has no one to use. Therefore, he needs to retrain his troops first and has requested the court to allocate this year's Jiangsu tribute funds to him for training troops."

After a few seconds of silence, Empress Dowager Cixi asked, "Do you think we should give it to them or not?"

Yikuang replied cautiously, "The court is also facing difficulties, and I believe it is inappropriate to grant it."

Empress Dowager Cixi sighed and said, "How can we not give it? Wouldn't that chill the hearts of loyal ministers? What if the rebels from Huguang go downstream to attack Nanjing? We can't let Wei Guangtao fight the rebels with his bare hands, can we? Give it to him. Just give him the newly added funds for the repatriation of the capital to Tie Liang. The repatriation funds from Jiangsu to the capital should remain the same as last year."

Prince Qing was speechless. This meant that Tie Liang's trip south this year had been in vain. The imperial court could not reclaim the power of the local governors and viceroys. Looking at it this way, it was really hard to say whether these local governors and viceroys were behind the Huguang Rebellion.

Just as Prince Qing was pondering the issue of the Huguang mutiny, Empress Dowager Cixi suddenly said to Yuan Shikai, "Why are you still kneeling? Get up and speak. You're the only one in this room who dares to tell me the truth. I'll ask you one more question, and you must answer honestly: If I were to send you south to quell the Huguang mutiny, would you be confident in your ability to do so?"

Yuan Shikai did not obey Cixi's order to rise. He remained in the kowtow position and replied, "I dare not refuse the Empress Dowager's order, even if it means my death. But what I am worried about is the Russians in the north. If I take the left and right garrisons of the Beiyang Army to Hubei, and the Russians move south, I am afraid that the standing garrison of the Beijing Banner Army will be unable to protect the capital."

At this moment, even Prince Qing, who always obeyed Empress Dowager Cixi, spoke up from the side without fear of taboo, saying, "Empress Dowager, the Beiyang Army cannot be touched. Huguang is merely a threat to our own people. The safety of the capital is of paramount importance. If the Russians are allowed to advance into the capital again, I fear the capital will be thrown into chaos first."

After the First Sino-Japanese War, the Qing court began to organize and train a new army. Initially, it formed the Five Armies of the Wuwei Army, including Dong Fuxiang's "Gansu Army" (Wuwei Rear Army), Ronglu's Wuwei Central Army, Nie Shicheng's "Wuyi Army" (Wuwei Front Army), Yuan Shikai's "New Army" (Wuwei Right Army), and Song Qing's "Yi Army" (Wuwei Left Army). Although it was based on the Huai Army, it was still considered that the court had mixed in some of its own elements.

However, things didn't go as planned. Shortly after the Wuwei Army was formed, it encountered the invasion of the Eight-Nation Alliance. Yuan Shikai's troops, who disobeyed the court's orders, survived, while the other four armies were utterly annihilated. After the Boxer Rebellion, the Qing government implemented the New Policies of the Return to the Capital, and its primary task was to train a new army to defend the capital.

However, this time the imperial court had no military force left to deal with the Beiyang Army, so it had no choice but to form the Beijing Banner Standing Army to suppress the Beiyang Left and Right Standing Divisions, which were based on the Right Wing Army of the Wuwei Army. The Beijing Banner Standing Army was made up of the best of the best among the Eight Banners soldiers, and it was handed over to Yuan Shikai to be trained into an army using modern military laws. Although it looked quite imposing, it would be a joke to rely on this army to defend the capital.

The reason Prince Qing was willing to collude with Yuan Shikai was that he knew he couldn't rely on the Manchus in Beijing to protect the Qing Dynasty. Don't be fooled by the impressive appearances of those Eight Banner nobles; if they were really sent to fight the Beiyang Army, Yuan Shikai wouldn't even need to get involved. The Beiyang officers alone would be enough to teach those Eight Banner soldiers a lesson.

Tie Liang and Duan Fang were already considered quite capable among the Manchus, yet they couldn't even last a single night in Hubei before being captured alive. Did Prince Qing really expect the Manchu gentlemen of Beijing to fight against the even more ferocious Russians? When the Eight-Nation Alliance invaded Beijing, those Russians with their big noses were incredibly fierce, but I didn't see any Manchu heroes standing up to fight them.

For Prince Qing, Empress Dowager Cixi was the source of his power, while Yuan Shikai was his guarantee of safety. When the two clashed, he was still willing to defy Cixi for his own safety. After all, a dead man cannot wield power in the Qing Dynasty.

Empress Dowager Cixi glanced at Prince Qing, and the last breath she had been holding in her chest dissipated. She calmly said to Yuan Shikai, "Get up. There are advantages to not fighting, so it's not a big deal."

Yuan Shikai then thanked the emperor, stood up, and stepped aside. The room fell silent again. After some time, Li Lianying lifted the cotton curtain and came in to report that Zhang Zhidong had arrived.

Soon, a slightly hunched old man with a white beard slowly walked in and greeted Empress Dowager Cixi. Cixi smiled and told him to dispense with the formalities, saying lightly, "What does Lord Zhang have to do with the affairs of Hubei? Why be so cautious? If anyone is guilty, it's Tie Liang and Duan Fang. An imperial envoy and a governor-general of Huguang, and they were actually brought down. They are truly incompetent. Hubei produces talented people. First, there was a general who won the expedition to Tibet, and now there are virtuous ministers who plan for the country. Lord Zhang, could you tell me who these people who signed this telegram are?"

Zhang Zhidong took the telegram from Li Lianying and glanced at it. Although it was the second time he had seen the telegram, it still shocked him. However, he did not show it on his face. After a few seconds, he withdrew his gaze and replied to Empress Dowager Cixi: "The others in this telegram are not a problem, but Tian Junyi is a concern."

Empress Dowager Cixi asked, "How can this person be considered a threat?"

Zhang Zhidong sighed and said, "This man has great ambition. If he participates in the mutiny, then Hubei may not be able to return to the court's control, and Hunan may not be able to be held either. I'm worried about that now..."

Empress Dowager Cixi pressed further, "What are you worried about?"

Zhang Zhidong said, “I am worried that he will not launch an attack. If he cultivates Hubei deeply, then we will have no troops to suppress him now and can only watch Hubei deteriorate. If the whole country sees that the court is powerless to suppress the local areas, then the chaos will not be limited to Hubei. This is what I am worried about.”

Empress Dowager Cixi's expression finally changed, and she had to ask, "Can't even Lord Zhang quell this rebellion?"