Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 115

In the 1906 parliamentary election, the Conservative Party suffered a crushing defeat, winning only 157 out of more than 600 seats, while the Liberal Party won 377 seats—an unprecedented reversal. The 1906 election also illustrated the deep social contradictions within Britain, with the Conservatives, who had previously dominated society, now becoming a minority.

The Liberal Party was well aware that if they couldn't quell domestic discontent, they would suffer the same defeat as the Conservatives. And when they too were abandoned by the people, they wouldn't return to the Conservatives; instead, they would launch a revolution to shape the new Britain they desired. The conflict with the Chinese had become insignificant, as the British people no longer felt proud of conquering China, and China posed no real threat to the British Isles. Britain's failures in China and India would only further fuel the British people's desire for change, not make them more patriotic.

To rekindle British patriotism and dispel their discontent with the status quo, Britain needs a real enemy that can threaten its homeland. Only when the British realize that enemy boots can set foot on the British Isles will they set aside their dissatisfaction with the government and heed its call to defend their homeland.

Looking around the world, no one was more suitable as Britain's enemy than Germany. While others were resisting the oppression of the British Empire, only Germany was trying to snatch what it believed was rightfully its own from the British Empire's pot. Indeed, the British harbored contempt and resentment towards the Germans; a suddenly rising upstart dared to demand land under the sun from the British Empire. It's worth noting that without British help, the Germans wouldn't even have been able to break free from Napoleon's grasp.

From a certain perspective, it would have been more acceptable to the British for France and Russia to become the hegemons of Europe than for Germany, because at least France and Russia had glorious histories, while Germany only had a history of being bullied. Even Frederick the Great, the so-called hegemon, merely resisted the invasions of neighboring countries, rather than truly creating any German hegemony.

The British attitude towards Germany was actually quite similar to that of the Qing Dynasty towards Japan before the First Sino-Japanese War. They were both astonished by the rapid development of their former junior partner and confident in their ability to easily suppress it. Therefore, if this junior partner wasn't respectful enough, they felt it deserved to be taught a lesson. However, Britain actually possessed such power, while the Qing Dynasty only dreamed of it.

Having clarified Britain's main objectives, the Liberal Party naturally would no longer tolerate the British Indian government. In fact, the British Indian government had by this time lost any idea that it could solve the Indian problem on its own. After nearly two years of turmoil, the British Indian government finally accepted the reality that it could not solve the Indian problem on its own.

They cannot resolve the rise of Indian nationalism under the threat of Chinese military force, nor can they set aside the Indian nationalist movement to deal with the Chinese, because the threat from the Chinese is in India, not on Chinese soil. As long as the two cannot be separated, they will support each other and continue to expand their power.

The softening of the British Indian government's stance gave London the opportunity to directly intervene in Indian affairs. London's approach to resolving Indian affairs was based on the interests of the British Isles rather than the British Indian government. Therefore, Takahashi believed that Britain's judgment of making compromises with China was quite certain.

Of course, Takahashi's assessment was not surprising to the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In fact, as early as the beginning of the year, Japanese diplomats in China believed that Britain was very likely to compromise with China, because China was no longer a unified regime. British pressure on Beijing was merely further destroying public confidence in the Qing government, thus further garnering support for Wuhan. Once the Qing government collapsed, Britain's interests in China would suffer even greater losses.

Therefore, for Britain and other countries, maintaining the Qing government was more appropriate than letting it collapse. A Wuhan regime that readily resorted to force becoming the new government of China would be a disaster for all nations. Furthermore, the incompetence displayed by the British army during the Eight-Nation Alliance's invasion of Beijing surprised even other countries. Consequently, no one believed that Britain had the ability to independently conquer China, especially when the country was under the control of a newly established regime.

However, when the Japanese cabinet actually heard that London was prepared to compromise with China, an indescribable emotion began to arise in their hearts. You see, when they had cheered for the successful conclusion of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, Britain was still the world's number one superpower in the eyes of the Japanese. But in the blink of an eye, the world's number one superpower was somewhat unworthy of the title.

The Navy once again confirmed the correctness of the conclusions of the naval seminar: the British Empire had passed its peak and from now on, it would only decline further and would have to withdraw its power from all parts of the world. Before a new world order was established, the world would become turbulent. If Japan could not find its place in this change, it might be buried along with the old order.

However, compared to the changes in British diplomatic relations with China, Japan's current biggest concern is when the Chinese will finally take action. After Japan joined the war, the Chinese did not launch a proactive counterattack against Russia as the Japanese had imagined; instead, they were embroiled in an internal coup. In the eyes of the Japanese—no, in the eyes of all foreigners—the changes that have occurred in Beijing over the past two months are no different from the Wuxu Coup.

However, the Wuxu Coup was a short-lived military coup. The conservatives quickly sent the leaders of the reformists to the execution ground, thus seizing control of the empire. However, this approach did not completely eliminate the reformists, but instead allowed them to hide overseas and in various places.

In the past two months, no bloody purges have occurred in Beijing. Wuhan and Beiyang, having gained control of the empire, carried out a mild purge of the conservatives. Although this purge appeared mild, its scope was much wider than that of the Wuxu Coup, and there is still no end in sight.

For the Chinese, this might be an opportune moment. Under external pressure, China's military and political leaders embarked on a path of reform, leaving the conservatives virtually powerless to resist. However, for Japan, this is the worst possible outcome. They are now unable to intervene in China's internal turmoil and are also bearing the brunt of Russia's military pressure on the Chinese—a truly unfortunate situation.

Chapter 407 It’s hard to violate God’s will

After the National Assembly mobilized troops to attack the Legation Quarter in Dongjiaomin Lane, the diplomatic corps could no longer tolerate the current chaotic political situation in China and began to put pressure on Yuan Shikai, demanding that he take responsibility for stabilizing the country.

Minister Satow spoke rather tactfully to Yuan Shikai's representative, Liang Shiyi, stating that Britain's primary concern was whether its rule in China could be maintained. Although Britain preferred a political force close to Britain to be in power, it would never tolerate any harm to British interests in China caused by political chaos.

A Japanese diplomat personally went to see Yuan Shikai and frankly told him: "If Your Excellency the Governor-General cannot turn the tide, then once Wuhan turns the National Assembly into its own personal stage, China will undoubtedly fall into Wuhan's hands."

By then, even if Your Excellency possesses the greatest abilities, you will not be able to defy the established trend across the nation. This is what your country's ancient people meant when they said: "When names are correct, words are appropriate; when words are appropriate, things are accomplished."

Our government does not trust Wuhan because its past statements and actions have been largely contradictory. Our government believes that, compared to the people of Wuhan, Your Excellency the Governor-General possesses far greater gentlemanly qualities, and only your leadership of this country can ensure the maintenance of good relations between Japan and China…”

While the support from the foreign powers boosted Yuan Shikai's confidence, this support could not reverse the power disparity between the Beiyang and Wuhan warlord factions. Besides these two major powers, there were numerous local forces, large and small, within the country. Although these forces individually could not rival either the Beiyang or Wuhan warlord factions, when they united, the Beiyang warlord faction would inevitably be overwhelmed. Wuhan warlords, having withstood the foreign powers, would naturally not fear these local forces.

Therefore, Yuan Shikai still hoped to win over these local forces to his side, so that he could barely contend with Wuhan. However, he soon discovered that his plan had failed. Faced with Wuhan, the most powerful military and political force in the country, the various local forces did not, as he had expected, immediately join his cause and band together for mutual support.

Leaving aside the smaller local factions, the remaining major powers were essentially Manchu and Han governors-general. Regarding the National Assembly's special operation against the Empress Dowager's faction, the Manchu governors-general held three opposing views:

One group stood firmly on the Empress Dowager's side, believing that the conflict between the Empress Dowager and the Emperor was a Manchu family affair and that it was none of the Han people's business. Another group supported Emperor Guangxu's personal rule, believing that reform was imperative and that saving the country was more important than the Manchu-Han divide. A third group stood in between, supporting Emperor Guangxu's personal rule but opposing any purge of the Empress Dowager herself.

Among the Han Chinese governors and viceroys, there were three opinions: one argued that the series of special projects of the National Assembly were insubordination and violated the duties of a subject; another supported overturning the verdict on the Hundred Days' Reform, but demanded a new election for the National Assembly, because the current National Assembly was appointed by the court and did not have broad representation; and the third completely sided with Wuhan.

Judging from the replies of these Manchu and Han officials to Beijing, the die-hard Manchus fundamentally distrusted the Han people. No matter how much Yuan Shikai flattered them, they were met with indifference. The reformers among the Manchus, while claiming to eliminate Manchu-Han differences, advocated for Emperor Guangxu's personal rule as the core of the reform movement. It was clear to everyone that Emperor Guangxu deeply resented the masterminds and accomplices of the Hundred Days' Reform. Yuan Shikai, as the informant in the coup, was already widely known through the Empress Dowager's faction. Would Emperor Guangxu's personal rule spare him? Even Yuan Shikai himself dared not believe it.

As for the Han Chinese officials, the diehards were clearly brainless. At this time, when they opposed the purge of the Empress Dowager's faction, the Manchus still had a nationalistic stance, while the Han Chinese couldn't even find a reason. They could only be hated by both the Emperor and the Emperor Guangxu.

Chen Kuilong, the governor of Henan, became the first to speak out. He always talked about "ancestral laws" and believed that reform would lead to a situation of "no father and no ruler". Emperor Guangxu publicly rebuked him and asked, "If a eunuch by the Empress Dowager's side can execute his own concubine without reason, whose family law is this?"

The National Assembly readily proposed removing Chen Kuilong from his post, a proposal quickly approved by Emperor Guangxu. Since the completion of the Beijing-Hankou Railway, Henan had been divided in two by the railway line. Chen Kuilong, as the governor of Henan, could only effectively govern the area east of the railway. Removing Chen Kuilong from his post meant that Wuhan now held control of the remaining Henan region.

After receiving the document from Beijing, Chen Kuilong immediately packed his bags and returned to his hometown in Guizhou. When he left Kaifeng, he sighed to his friends who came to see him off, "The empire of 263 years is about to be lost. How can I express my sorrow?"

Faced with this situation, Yuan Shikai could only back down again, intending to first join forces with Wuhan to eliminate the die-hards among the Manchus and Han Chinese, in order to prevent them from being swallowed up by Wuhan alone. With Emperor Guangxu's endorsement, it was far too easy for Wuhan to swallow up these die-hards. If it weren't for Guangxu's signature, Chen Kuilong certainly wouldn't have left so easily.

Anhui Governor Chengxun was the second high-ranking local official to be dismissed. Although the official reason was "ineffective disaster relief," the real reason was that Chengxun opposed investigating the Wuxu Coup case, because reopening old cases would not benefit the Manchus, but would only boost the morale of the Han people.

Although Chengxun was considered a talented person among the Manchus, he was just an ordinary bureaucrat among the Han Chinese local officials. He was able to reach his current position entirely because of his Manchu identity, so he naturally advocated for the preservation of the overall interests of the Manchus.

However, Anhui was the birthplace of the Huai clique, and it was never the place for an outsider to interfere. Cheng Xun's position in Anhui was already precarious, and coupled with the heavy rains in May and June this year, which resulted in near-total crop failure along the banks of the Huai River in Anhui, the people harbored considerable resentment towards the government. Therefore, Cheng Xun's dismissal was not particularly surprising.

As for Anhui, although it was not brought under Wuhan's control, Hefei and the area east of Chaohu were taken over by Wei Guangtao, the Governor-General of Liangjiang. Although the Hunan clique was not as powerful as before, it could not sit idly by and watch Wuhan extend its influence directly under Nanjing's nose. Therefore, Anhui was divided between the two sides.

Meanwhile, Hu Tinggan, the governor of Jiangxi, completely sided with Wuhan. However, this cannot be blamed on Governor Hu, because after the Nanchang Massacre broke out in February of this year, neither the imperial court nor the governor-general of Liangjiang was willing to stand up for him. Instead, they planned to make Governor Hu take the blame. So Governor Hu simply surrendered to Wuhan, and neither the foreigners nor the imperial court could hold him accountable. Now, he naturally supports Wuhan unconditionally.

However, this meant that Wuhan was no longer just controlling two provinces and radiating influence over surrounding provinces; it had practically taken over the Central Plains region. The Wuhan Workers', Peasants', and Soldiers' Committee, which controlled Henan, Anhui, Hubei, Jiangxi, Hunan, and most of Sichuan, essentially controlled half of the country. If you look closely, Shanxi, Chahar, Guizhou, Tibet, and Shannan were also almost within Wuhan's grasp.

In contrast, the Beiyang government only controlled the provinces of Zhili and Shandong. No matter how they united, they could not strengthen their own power. Therefore, Yuan Shikai could only send Ruan Zhongshu to Beijing to talk with Qin Lishan, at least to reach a conclusion on the domestic situation and then demand that the other party fulfill the promise of establishing a State Council. If this matter dragged on any longer, it would probably really fall through.

Ruan Zhongshu negotiated with Qin Lishan in late September, and two weeks later he returned to Tianjin with a preliminary result to report to Yuan Shikai. Upon seeing the result, Yuan Shikai was not pleased. Looking at the map, he said, "Aren't they going too far? They want Sichuan, Shanxi, and Chahar, and then they give me only Manchuria? Manchuria is still in Russian hands. Even if we drive the Russians out, we still have to deal with the Japanese. These Japanese are like hungry wolves; are they so easy to drive away?"

Ruan Zhongshu, who was standing nearby, quickly explained: "Associate Qin said that as long as we remove Sheng Yun from office, the position of Governor-General of Shaanxi and Gansu will belong to our Beiyang government. So, from this perspective, we are not at too much of a loss."

Yuan Shikai glanced at him, wondering if this man had gotten his head stuck in a door. He remained silent for a while before asking, "Let's not talk about how those Manchu princes will view us after we oust Sheng Yun. Let me ask you, Wuhan has occupied Henan, Shanxi, and Chahar. How are we supposed to get to Shaanxi and Gansu? Doesn't that mean we've become two completely unrelated places in the east and west?"

Ruan Zhongshu looked troubled and said, "But I don't dare to take over Chahar. If we take over Chahar, wouldn't we be taking the bullet for them? I thought about it for a long time before I felt that we couldn't not give them these three places. Otherwise, if Wuhan takes back its forces, there will be no place for our Beiyang in the south."

Yuan Shikai stared at the map, lost in thought. Indeed, for Wuhan, Chahar and Shanxi were practically meaningless at the moment. In contrast, Jiangsu and Zhejiang were far more significant to Wuhan, providing it with a sea outlet and being among the wealthiest regions in the country. During this major flood in the Yangtze and Huai River basins, Anhui was only receiving aid from Wuhan, while Jiangsu was receiving nationwide support. This was because Jiangsu's population was so dense that no one dared to allow it to deteriorate; otherwise, the Qing Dynasty would truly be doomed.

After thinking for a long time, Yuan Shikai couldn't come up with a better solution. He had to accept the reality that the Beiyang clique was still too weak. Within the framework of the Qing Dynasty, the Beiyang clique had not even reached the height of the Huai clique. Although strong, it could not fight against the whole country from one corner, while Wuhan had already achieved this.

Therefore, Wuhan could disregard the opinions of other forces and proceed only in a direction that benefited itself, while the Beiyang government could only follow the trend, otherwise it would surely capsize. Since it couldn't overturn the table with Wuhan, it could only endure it.

To be fair, while Wuhan demonstrated its strength in this agreement, it didn't let itself go and drive everyone to their doom. Aside from leaving the Northwest and Northeast to the Beiyang government, Wuhan acknowledged the current status of Manchu and Mongol forces in Xinjiang and Outer Mongolia. However, Wuhan wasn't so accommodating to Manchu officials and governors in the interior.

Wuhan's attitude towards the Manchus in the interior was to dismantle the city walls, achieve equality between Manchus and Han Chinese, recall all Manchu generals from the interior to the capital, abolish the Manchu Eight Banners system, and replace them with regular troops stationed in the local areas. As for Manchu governors and viceroys, all the die-hards were purged, while the positions of the enlightened faction were temporarily retained, but the rule of prioritizing Manchus was definitely no longer in place.

After reading the agreement, Yuan Shikai could only shake his head and say, "They are like simmering medicine over a low flame. The Manchus will perish whether they rebel or not."

Ruan Zhongshu immediately replied, "The fall of the Manchus is irreversible, so we don't need to worry about the Emperor's resentment towards the Beiyang Army."

After a long silence, Yuan Shikai said, "I wanted to be a loyal subject of the Qing Dynasty, but fate is hard to defy..."

Chapter 408 New Policy 1

On October 10, Yuan Shikai entered Beijing to report to the National Assembly. On October 13, the Imperial Affairs Committee, headed by Qin Lishan, put forward a plan for the establishment of the State Council and the reorganization of the National Assembly.

The regulations stipulate that the State Council shall be composed of the heads of 15 administrative departments, 8 governors-general, 14 governors, 2 ministers in charge, and 5 border generals. In addition, the National Assembly shall establish corresponding committees to review the budgets of each administrative department separately. Furthermore, a separate position of National Assembly Chairman shall be established to lead the State Council.

According to this approach, the original reforms of the Huiluan government had already altered the traditional six-ministerial structure once. Therefore, the reforms proposed by the National Assembly for the central ministries this time did not cause much of a stir. However, the increase from ten to fifteen ministries inevitably raised concerns among some that the Northern Song Dynasty would face an overabundance of officials, thus putting pressure on the treasury.

However, the announcement of this reorganization was supported by many Han Chinese officials, especially those from the Beiyang clique, because this reorganization eliminated a large number of Manchu official positions and excluded Manchu generals from parliamentary meetings, which meant that the power of Han Chinese was greatly enhanced.

Of course, while the Han people celebrated the announced reform plan, the Manchus were extremely dissatisfied. Relying on the convenient telegraph system, the Xinjiang General, the Gansu Governor, the Shaanxi-Gansu Governor-General, the Sichuan Governor-General, and various Manchu generals in the interior all sent telegrams opposing the reorganization proposed by the National Assembly. The Shaanxi Governor, the Shanxi Governor, and the Yunnan-Guizhou Governor-General sent telegrams arguing that the Manchus and Mongols should be given the opportunity to speak in order to avoid domestic division.

Furthermore, a split occurred within the Hunan clique. The Governor-General of Liangjiang, Wei Guangtao, chose neutrality, while the Governor of Zhejiang, Nie Jigui, chose support. The Governor-General of Zhejiang and Fujian at this time was Zhou Fu, a key figure in the Huai clique. Although he was extremely wary of Wuhan, he also believed that reform was better than revolution.

Although the Manchus' voices were not small, in terms of strength, they were no match for the Wuhan and Beiyang forces who had reached an agreement. This was not only because the Wuhan and Beiyang forces occupied some of the regions with the best economic and industrial base in China, but also because the strength of their modern army was unmatched by others.

Among the Manchu governors and viceroys, the most powerful was Sheng Yun, the governor-general of Shaanxi and Gansu, who commanded the Gansu Army established by Dong Fuxiang. However, Dong Fuxiang himself supported Emperor Guangxu's personal rule. Although Dong Fuxiang had retired, it would be difficult for Sheng Yun to command this army against the court in the face of Dong Fuxiang's opposition.

As for the other Manchu governors and generals, their subordinates were either Han Chinese or completely corrupt Eight Banners. They couldn't even handle the local forces, let alone the new armies of Wuhan and Beiyang.

Having discerned the true strength and weaknesses of the Manchus, Yuan Shikai bluntly offered three suggestions to Emperor Guangxu: first, to recall the Manchu generals from the interior to discuss the reorganization of the banner system; second, to recall Sheng Yun, the Governor-General of Shaanxi and Gansu, to oversee the reform of the Eight Banners system, with Yang Shixiang acting as Governor-General of Shaanxi and Gansu; and third, to transfer Zhang Renjun, the Governor of Shanxi, back to Beijing to take charge of the Ministry of Revenue, with Xu Xilin appointed as the Governor of Shanxi.

Although Emperor Guangxu held a strong prejudice against Yuan Shikai and was even unwilling to appoint him as chairman of the State Council, he eventually agreed to the three suggestions put forward by Yuan Shikai after being persuaded by Qin Lishan.

Meanwhile, Wuhan also submitted a proposal to Beijing to establish Southwest and Northeast Administrative Committees, granting them more power to deal with the complex domestic and foreign affairs situation in the two regions.

The Southwest Administrative Committee incorporated Tibet, Shannan, Yunnan, Guizhou, Sichuan, Hunan, and Hubei into a unified administrative division, granting them limited diplomatic and military defense powers, giving them authority above the governor-general level and below the central government. The Northeast Administrative Committee unified Manchuria, Inner and Outer Mongolia, and Rehe, and had initial ideas for dividing Manchuria into three provinces.

The purpose of establishing these two administrative committees was to strengthen central control over the border regions. In the southwest, the committees, centered on Hunan, Hubei, and Sichuan, aimed to strengthen control over Tibet, Shannan, and Yunnan. In the northeast, the committees, centered on Zhili and southern Manchuria, aimed to control northern Manchuria and Inner and Outer Mongolia. Wuhan and Beiyang each occupied one of these committees.

Although a minority opposed the proposal, it received the support of the majority because the establishment of these two administrative committees ensured the security of the border regions. While it may have harmed the interests of a few, it was naturally welcomed by the majority of the Chinese people. In particular, the Shannan region had just been incorporated into China's direct administration. Once the Sino-Indian conflict subsided, peacetime would make it difficult for China to control this region and ensure its continued presence within its borders. Shannan is currently the shield of Tibet; without Shannan, Tibet would be insecure.

The National Assembly also reviewed the Tibetan affairs, believing that Zhang Yintang should be appointed as the Resident Minister in Tibet, and demanded that the Kashag government, the Tibetan Workers, Peasants and Soldiers Committee, the Shannan Workers, Peasants and Soldiers Committee, and the Shannan Commissioner accept the instructions of the Southwest Administrative Committee. Tibet and Shannan were to form independent military sub-districts, and the Tibetan army and the Shannan local armed forces were abolished.

Although Sheng Yun wanted to refuse after receiving the telegram—Wuhan, Beiyang, and Nanjing had already become de facto separatist regions, and Han Chinese could hold military power—why couldn't Manchus do the same? However, no one in Lanzhou tried to persuade him to stay. Ma Fuxiang bluntly told his retainers, "Gansu is such a poor place; it's already good enough to protect the borders and the people. How can we possibly resist the imperial court? Besides, this is the Emperor's decree. On what grounds can the Governor-General defy the imperial edict?"

Having no other choice, Sheng Yun packed his bags and headed to Beijing. However, when he arrived in Xi'an, he changed his mind and decided not to leave. So he stayed in Xi'an and sent a telegram to Beijing, saying that he was unwell and hoped to stay in Xi'an to recuperate.

At this time, Yuan Shikai had just taken office as Chairman of the State Council and did not want to offend these Manchu nobles too much. After all, the Beiyang Army was also a force within the system. Since he had already brought Sheng Yun down, he could not continue to pursue him, otherwise it would be breaking the rules of officialdom.

However, Qin Lishan disagreed. He believed that Sheng Yun's stay in Xi'an Manchu City was a speculative move to observe the situation, and that the Xi'an General Song Yan was also reluctant to go to the capital. Letting them stay in the local area undoubtedly gave the Manchus hope of seizing control of the region, which had a negative impact on the authority of the State Council.

Therefore, after informing Emperor Guangxu, the National Assembly sent people to Xi'an to inquire about Sheng Yun's condition and investigate the situation in Xi'an. Faced with the National Assembly's relentless pursuit, Sheng Yun sensed something was wrong and said that he felt his condition had improved and he could go to the capital again. However, the National Assembly immediately requested Emperor Guangxu to dismiss Sheng Yun from his post and order Song Yu to escort him to the capital for trial on the grounds that Sheng Yun was suspected of colluding with Ronglu.

Sheng Yun's fate greatly shocked Manchu officials across the country, making them realize that although the Qing Dynasty's authority had indeed fallen to the Hu (non-Han) forces, the State Council, supported by Han military power, still held considerable deterrent power over various regions. As long as Wuhan and Beiyang reached an agreement, the State Council's decisions would inevitably be implemented, and the local authorities would not oppose the State Council for the sake of the Manchus.

In fact, it wasn't just the Manchus; even local Han Chinese forces struggled to resist the alliance of these two most powerful factions in the country. The Hunan clique was one of the most awkward local powers. As the first Han Chinese military and political group to rise after the Taiping Rebellion, it was no longer a truly independent military and political group after decades of dismantling and suppression by the Qing Dynasty. It was more accurately described as a coalition of Han Chinese bureaucrats with shared ties.

This alliance still wielded considerable influence within the Qing dynasty's system, but it could no longer exert the same absolute power over the regions as it had when it had just quelled the Taiping Rebellion. Therefore, after Liu Kunyi's death, the court almost succeeded in reclaiming the position of Governor-General of Liangjiang, which had been held by the Hunan clique, if Tie Liang hadn't provoked the people of Hubei.

Although a mutiny broke out in Hubei, which allowed Wei Guangtao to regain his position as Governor-General of Liangjiang, the Hunan clique lacked a military force capable of protecting its power. Even though Wei Guangtao rebuilt an army, the old Hunan Army model was no longer suitable for the new era, and the Hunan Army had also lost its original ideals.

When the Xiang Army and Huai Army were established, the domestic landlord class still advocated that the Chinese were superior to the barbarians. Therefore, upholding Confucianism was the core ideology of these landlord armed forces, and the core figures of these forces were Confucian scholars rather than military men. However, after the Boxer Rebellion, enlightened intellectuals had become the mainstream of society, believing that failing to learn from the West would lead to China's demise. By 1906, the number of Chinese students going to Japan had reached nearly 20,000, almost ten times that of four years earlier.

At this time, the soul of the New Army had become these newly educated young people who were trying to save the nation, while there were hardly any intellectuals in the old army. Although Wei Guangtao promoted education, he encountered the same problem as Zhang Zhidong: the young people he educated did not become the backbone of the Xiang Army, but instead became supporters of the reformists.

Wei Guangtao chose to remain neutral regarding the reorganization plan proposed by the National Assembly because he didn't want to be led by the nose by Wuhan. He wasn't the Governor-General of Zhili and couldn't exert much influence on the State Council. To put it bluntly, with the Qing Dynasty losing its authority, what difference was there between the Governor-General of Liangjiang and a local tyrant? However, after joining the State Council, he only had one vote. If he ignored the resolutions of the National Assembly, it would give Wuhan and the Beiyang government an excuse to interfere in the affairs of Liangjiang. Therefore, maintaining the status quo was naturally the best option.

However, his stance not only failed to gain support from public opinion in the Jiangnan region, but even some within the Hunan clique were dissatisfied with his decision. For example, Nie Jigui, Zeng Guofan's youngest son-in-law and the governor of Zhejiang, believed that China was currently facing internal and external troubles, and that not reforming was definitely not an option. He argued that without reform, not only would foreigners attack them—the British and Russians were already fighting—but an internal revolution would also erupt.

Therefore, supporting the reform of the National Assembly at least offered a glimmer of hope, and Wei Guangtao's choice to remain neutral for the sake of his own power was clearly selfish. The reason why the gentry of Jiangsu were unwilling to support the Governor-General of Liangjiang was inseparable from Wei Guangtao's preference for promoting only people from Hunan. In comparison, they appreciated the reform plan of the National Assembly more, but they believed that the National Assembly should give more positions to people from Jiangsu.

The revolutionaries shared the same anxieties as the constitutionalists of Jiangsu and Zhejiang. The Tongmenghui, led by Sun Yat-sen, criticized Wuhan for compromising with the Qing Dynasty in newspapers, saying it went against revolutionary ideals. At the same time, they were actively preparing for an armed uprising in Guangdong and Guangxi, trying to seize a territory that truly belonged to the revolutionaries.

Chapter 409 New Policy II

The weather in Hankou in October is quite nice. The sun isn't too intense, but it's not as humid as it is in March or April. Walking under the tree-lined paths, you can really feel a cheerful and sunny mood.

Having returned to Wuhan from India only two or three months ago, Ahn Jung-geun's memories of his experiences in Tibet and India seem incredibly distant, yet exceptionally vivid. This illusion stems from his experience in Wuhan, which felt as if he were witnessing the liberated areas of India one or two decades from now, and he believed that these areas would inevitably resemble the present-day Wuhan.

He felt the future of the liberated areas of India resembled that of Wuhan because he saw confident people there, their faces always beaming with smiles, much like the joyful expressions of farmers in Indian villages who had just gained their own land. The smiles were essentially the same. The only difference was that one was in a rural Indian village, and the other was in a city.

Therefore, Ahn Jung-geun believed that as long as similar cities could be established in the liberated areas of India, the Indian people in those cities would be no different from the people on the streets of Wuhan today. He also hoped that in the future, the Korean Peninsula would also see happy people full of confidence and smiles.

At this point, Ahn Jung-geun felt that Lin Feng had a reason for calling the areas controlled by the working class "liberated areas." At least when they first arrived in Wuhan, the city was no different from other Chinese cities, nor from North Korean cities.

Even though Hankou was better developed than Seoul, the common people in the two cities seemed to be no different in essence. They were all numb, timid, and poorly clothed. They were ordered around by the upper class and would only show a fawning smile and beg for mercy when they were bullied, completely unaware that they were the ones being insulted and bullied.

In comparison, even Ahn Jung-geun had to admit that ordinary people in Japanese cities seemed more confident, displaying neither servility nor arrogance even in tattered clothes, completely lacking any sense of self-degradation. In the past, he believed this was the result of Japan's enlightenment, while the servile demeanor of uncivilized Korean commoners before the Yangban and foreigners was a national character created by Korea's backward system.

North Korea's backward system originated from China, which is the spiritual root of Ahn Jung-geun's family's following of the Enlightenment Party. The Enlightenment Party first inherited the traditional Korean ideology that the Manchu conquest of China was a transformation of the Chinese civilization by barbarians, and that the Han people's submission to the Manchus caused the noble Chinese civilization to be polluted by barbarians. Therefore, China naturally lost its qualification to lead the Chinese civilization sphere.

Secondly, the Enlightenment Party absorbed ideas from the Japanese Meiji Restoration, believing that traditional Eastern culture was backward and Western civilization was advanced. They argued that any Eastern nation unwilling to learn from Western culture would ultimately become a colony of Western civilization. To preserve the Korean people, Korea had to gain independence from the Qing Dynasty and then learn from the West to rebuild its advanced culture.

This is also why Ahn Jung-geun was not opposed to Japan's military presence on the Korean Peninsula, because the Japanese army was protecting Korea. He had previously believed that once the Russians were driven out of the Korean Peninsula, Korea would no longer need Japan's protection, and Japan would naturally have no reason to continue stationing troops in Korea.

His time at the Marine Corps School was a wake-up call for Ahn Jung-geun. He realized that his understanding of Japan's policy toward North Korea was nothing but wishful thinking. Lin Feng proved with impeccable reasoning that the first step of Japan's continental policy was to annex the Korean Peninsula. Unless Japan abandoned its continental policy, it would not allow North Korea to become independent.

Following Lin Feng on his expedition to Tibet made him realize for the first time that there was another path for a nation to achieve self-liberation. Two years later, when he returned to Wuhan, he saw that the streets of Hankou no longer had beggar children everywhere, no longer had walls prohibiting Chinese people from entering the riverside avenue and foreign police patrols, no longer had opium addicts lying in the streets and malicious gangsters. Although the city still had other flaws, it was undoubtedly the city he had ever seen that was more suitable for ordinary people to live in.

Even though this year has been a year of disasters for China, with drought in the north and floods in the south, both have brought new calamities to this ancient country. Not to mention the great floods in Hunan in March and April, the continuous heavy rains along the Huai River in May and June alone turned more than 4000 miles of Jiangsu and Anhui into disaster areas. Ta Kung Pao reported that tens of millions of disaster victims have no food or clothing this year.

Although "tens of millions of disaster victims" is a general term, there were clearly millions. Disaster victims from northern Jiangsu and Anhui flocked to the south of the Yangtze River, with Shanghai as their final destination. Some disaster victims from Anhui went to Wuhan. In fact, Jiangxi was also affected, but the Wuhan Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee handled the situation of these disaster victims very well.

Almost no disaster victims near Pingxiang, Jiangxi, left their homes. In the disaster-stricken areas of Hunan, production and self-help began after the floodwaters receded. The same was true in the disaster-stricken areas of Anhui. After the floodwaters receded, Wuhan arranged for disaster victims to return to their hometowns to rebuild their homes. As a result, by September and October, life around Wuhan had returned to normal.

Preliminary estimates indicate that Wuhan has provided assistance to at least three million disaster victims this year, accounting for roughly 4% of the total number of people affected by the disaster in the middle and lower reaches of the Yangtze River. The death toll is low, and no epidemics have broken out after the disaster. Most affected areas have resumed production, thus stabilizing local social order. Many homeless victims have been systematically resettled in various emerging industrial construction bases, preventing the formation of unmanaged migrant communities.

Meanwhile, along the route from Gaoyou to Shanghai, there were countless refugees searching for a way to survive. The lucky ones managed to find work in Shanghai, a newly emerging port city that desperately needed cheap labor. Food was not scarce for the powers that had established a global colonial system, but such fortunate individuals were few and far between, perhaps only one in ten. Those lacking physical strength or health were naturally eliminated along the way.

The way disaster victims are treated reveals who the workers truly rely on. Of course, Wuhan's ability to mobilize such a large amount of material resources to aid the victims is based on the material foundation created by their investment in industry and agriculture over the past few years.

Despite the severe disaster this year, the Jianghan Plain and Nanyang region have experienced an unusually bumper harvest, and industrial production in Wuhan has not been interrupted by the disaster. Instead, it has ushered in a period of rapid development.

For example, after the completion of the first phase of renovation at Hanyang Iron and Steel Plant, pig iron production increased to 5 tons per month, crude steel production to 2.5 tons per month, and steel products to 1.5 tons per month. Wuhan Chemical Plant's sulfuric acid production reached 3000 tons per month, nitric acid to 500 tons per month, and fertilizer to 5000 tons per month. Tractor production reached 120 units per month, and automobile production reached 20 units per month.

This productivity, manifested in urban development, makes people feel that the world is a happy and peaceful place, and that war and disaster are very far away from Wuhan. Ahn Jung-geun believes that if it weren't for this extraordinary year, Wuhan could have focused its efforts on the cause of liberating the people, without having to compromise with other domestic forces.

Although strolling along the tree-lined avenue was pleasant, even the longest road eventually comes to an end. Ahn Jung-geun finally pulled himself out of his thoughts, because he had arrived at his destination - the headquarters of the Workers, Peasants and Soldiers Committee.

After showing his pass and registering, Ahn Jung-geun quickly passed through the checkpoint and arrived at Jeon Jun-il's office building. He registered again there and was then taken to the waiting room, which was right next to Jeon Jun-il's office. He could even hear Jeon Jun-il discussing the issue of managing the Huai River with someone through the window.

The visitors believed that the Huai River basin was either flooded or drought-stricken, so they suggested taking advantage of the flood to turn the waterlogged low-lying areas into large reservoirs, thereby establishing an agricultural area that relied on reservoirs for irrigation regulation. This would not only reduce the burden of drainage during the flood season in the lower reaches of the Huai River, but also completely change the water shortage situation in central Anhui.

Tian Junyi was also very interested in this plan, but he asked the visitors to conduct further exploration and planning. He told them, "The Huai River will definitely be managed. Although the lower reaches of the Huai River are not currently under our control, we will liberate the people of the lower reaches sooner or later. Therefore, when considering water conservancy projects in the upper reaches of the Huai River, we cannot only consider the interests of the upper reaches; we must make a comprehensive plan for the entire Huai River basin..."

After the visitor took his leave, a secretary came over and invited Ahn Jung-geun to the next room. After meeting with Ahn Jung-geun, Jeon Jun-il first inquired about his recent life, and then said to him, "I invited you here today to tell you that the opportunity for you to return to Korea has appeared."

The Japanese army landed at Kiyotsu and then seized Shuangchengzi along the railway line, cutting off the railway route from Khabarovsk and Harbin to Vladivostok. However, judging from the current situation, Japan is unlikely to launch an attack on Harbin before taking Vladivostok, partly due to concerns about a Russian attack from Vladivostok on its rear, and partly due to logistical constraints.

Over the past two weeks, the Russian naval detachment's activity in the Korean Strait has resulted in the loss of two transport ships of several thousand tons each for Japan. Therefore, if Vladivostok cannot be captured, and the Russian army uses Vladivostok as a base to disrupt Japanese supply lines, then the logistics of Japanese troops along the Hamgyong Province and Primorsky Krai lines will be disrupted.

Therefore, before capturing Vladivostok, the Japanese army needed other forces to help them contain the Russian army in Manchuria, preventing the Russians from forming a heavily fortified defensive zone in the Harbin area. The Japanese request to us was that we launch a counterattack against the Russian army near Jinzhou from the Shanhaiguan and Chaoyang line, thus preventing the Russians from diverting troops northward.

However, judging from the current political situation in our country, we cannot organize such a large-scale counterattack in a short period of time. It is already quite good that we can hold back the Russian troops in front of us from retreating quickly.

Of course, we couldn't ignore Japan's request, so we made a suggestion to Japan: allow us to send a team to land at Qingjin and then enter the Jilin area to join forces with local militia to sabotage the railways around Changchun, thus making it difficult for the Russian troops in Fengtian and Harbin to support each other…”

After listening for a while, Ahn Jung-geun understood Tian Junyi's meaning: the Wuhan Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee would send a small unit to Jilin, where they would form an army to threaten the Russian forces in the Changchun area. He could use this opportunity to bring Korean national armed forces from Seoul into Jilin, thereby breaking free from Japanese control.

He readily accepted Tian Junyi's request and assured him, "This is exactly what Comrade Lin Feng wanted me to return for. We will fight against the Russian aggressors together with the Chinese people and gain freedom for the Korean people in the future."

Tian Junyi smiled and said, "Of course, we support the Korean people's struggle for freedom. Although we cannot promise the Korean people anything right now, we are willing to train a group of key figures for national independence..."