Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 154

Therefore, while the Political Friends Association may work together to form a government, it will inevitably fall into disputes over the distribution of benefits after the government is successfully formed. Ultimately, such disputes will not only undermine the cohesion within the Political Friends Association, but also cause the public to become greatly disappointed with party politics.

If the Navy were to attempt a coalition with the Seiyukai, it would quickly be dragged down by the Seiyukai and lose public favor, making itself a laughingstock for the Army. Therefore, the Navy will not seek a coalition with any existing Democratic Party, as these parties are merely small groups entangled in interests. They lack genuine political ideals and cannot be considered true political parties. Allowing them to engage in politics would simply transfer power from the military to more dispersed interest groups, offering no real political reform to Japan.

The Navy needs a political party that can uphold its direction and speak for it; similarly, in today's Japan, without the support of the military, such a party wouldn't go far. Therefore, Your Excellency actually hopes that someone can establish a new party according to the Navy's requirements. The Navy doesn't seek immediate political gains, but it does desire a solid ally in the future political arena.

Hara Yoshimichi subconsciously glanced up at the people in the room, finally realizing what Lin Xinyi had brought tonight. Their small circle already possessed the foundation to establish a small party, and with the support of the navy, it wasn't impossible for them to develop as quickly as the Seiyukai. This would be a good fallback option for him and Ogawa, who were about to step down from their ministerial positions. If they could truly form a new party with considerable influence, their successors wouldn't dare to completely abandon the policies they had left behind.

At this point, Ogawa Heikichi finally interjected, saying, "I think Shinji is right. With our background in Nagano and our status as alumni of the University of Tokyo, we might be able to establish a new party. Moreover, we can make an exchange with the Seiyukai, offering freedom of speech in exchange for their support of our proposals in the House of Representatives. Then, the new party's reputation can be established very quickly."

“That is indeed feasible, but…” Hara Yoshimichi turned to Hayashi Shin-yi and asked cautiously, “So what exactly is the direction the navy should take?”

Lin Xinyi said, "Instead of asking what direction the navy should take, it would be better to ask what kind of Japan can support the navy's future. I believe that only a politically stable and economically prosperous Japan can support the navy's dream, and this is also the basis for the navy's willingness to endure for the time being. What do you two uncles think?"

This statement is correct but meaningless, Yuan Jiadao thought to himself, and couldn't help but ask, "Could you provide more specific details?"

After a moment's thought, Lin Xinyi said, "To be more specific, it means promoting democratization and institutionalization in politics, and promoting industrialization in the economy. I believe this is the direction Japan should take in the future..."

Hara Yoshimichi naturally had a desire to form a political party. His only concern was that the Navy was too ambitious and he would end up working for someone else's benefit. Just like when he joined the Seiyukai, he originally hoped to find a group of like-minded comrades to do something great, but Ito Hou's autocratic behavior disappointed him.

The Japanese educated during the Meiji Restoration era possessed a peculiar, ambitious spirit. They believed they could create something to change the face of Japan. Although the education at the University of Tokyo leaned towards cultivating elite bureaucrats, the overall social atmosphere fostered a strong sense of adventure in many of its students. Many small and medium-sized companies during the Meiji era were founded by these University of Tokyo students, a stark contrast to the Showa era Japanese who were solely focused on joining large corporations.

However, after hearing Lin Xinyi's explanation and seeing Xiao Chuan's unwavering belief, Yuan Jiadao's doubts were greatly reduced. If the Navy truly had such a clear understanding, then he would be willing to give it a try. After all, when he resigned from his provincial and ministerial post to become a lawyer, he was determined to take the political route, to purge those incompetent provincial and ministerial officials, and to restore order to the world.

After a sincere and in-depth exchange with Hara Yoshimichi, Lin Hsin-yi took the opportunity to say goodbye. He had other things to do that evening, and Hara Yoshimichi and Ogawa needed time to discuss the formation of a political party in private. There was no point in him staying any longer.

However, as he was saying goodbye, he still held Hiranuma Kiichiro's hand warmly and greeted him, saying, "I've heard a lot about Prosecutor Hiranuma. I heard that a few years ago you were in charge of a large-scale prosecution of yakuza organizations in Tokyo, and since then, Tokyo's public security has improved a lot. Several of my friends have praised Prosecutor Hiranuma highly. I hope you will continue to look after me in the future..."

Although he didn't know why this young man named Lin Xinyi had suddenly become so friendly to him, Hiranuma Qiyilang still went along with it and said that he was always welcome to visit him.

After leaving the ryotei in Shinbashi, Hayashi Shin-yi and Abe Isoo got into a taxi together. Abe Isoo told the driver a place name, and the driver directed the carriage to move forward.

It was around nine o'clock in the evening, which is the liveliest time of night in Tokyo. Shinbashi, a place full of entertainment venues, was probably even more lively than during the day. The streets were crowded with people. The carriage gradually picked up speed after leaving Shinbashi, and the streets outside the window gradually quieted down, finally making it suitable for quiet conversation inside the carriage.

Lin Xinyi, who had turned his gaze away from the window, said to Abe Isoo beside him, "When I was in Wuhan, I heard that you withdrew from Wanchao Daily. What exactly happened? Can you tell me, Mr. Abe?"

Upon hearing this question, Abe shook his head and said, "Both Kotoku and I are against waging wars abroad, even if this war is against the Russians."

However, Kuroiwa disagreed. He argued that the Imperial State's military intervention was to protect Korea and rescue China, making the war entirely just for the Imperial State. If the Imperial State did not join the war while Russia was weak, and Russia forced China to submit, Russia would inevitably seize Korea completely from the Imperial State—a situation akin to the proverb "if the lips are gone, the teeth will be cold."

Kotoku believed that the military's words were nothing but lies. The so-called war for Korea and China was a lie. The military's purpose in joining the war was to replace Russian imperialism as the master of East Asia. If the Japanese proletariat supported this war, it would inevitably turn against the Korean and Chinese people. The blood of the Japanese people would be shed in a foreign land, while the Emperor and the bourgeoisie would make a fortune on the corpses of these innocent people.

Kuroiwa refused to change his pro-war stance, so we had to withdraw from the Mancho News, and then Nishikawa and Yukinori created the People's News…”

After listening to Abe Isoo's explanation, Hayashi Shinji roughly understood what was going on. Although Kuroiwa Ruiko, the chief editor of the "Mancho-ho" newspaper, claimed to have "no kings or nobles in his eyes, but an axe in his hand," he was ultimately not a true socialist. At most, he could only be considered a progressive among the petty bourgeoisie. His criticism of the clan politics lay in the fact that such criticism could be accepted by the broad masses of ordinary citizens.

However, when faced with substantive issues, such as choosing between the nation and the proletariat, Kuroiwa's petty-bourgeois nature is revealed. After all, his criticism of the feudal system aims to elevate himself to the ruling class, not to completely overthrow it. While Kuroiwa's stance on domestic issues can remain ambiguous, he has little room for hesitation when it comes to foreign wars.

Lin Xinyi did not want to condemn petty bourgeois people like Kuroiwa Ruika, because he knew from the beginning that these people were unreliable. That's why he did not advocate establishing a party in Japan, but hoped that Japanese socialists would go to China to establish organizations and then report back to Japan. However, Abe, Kotoku and others disagreed with this view. They felt that compared with the chaotic political situation in China, Japan, which was beginning to get back on track, was more suitable to take the path of socialism.

To his surprise, Abe seemed to have some reservations about Nishikawa, Kotoku, and the others, so he asked, "Teacher doesn't seem to have much faith in the future of the 'Common People's News' either."

After a moment of silence, Abe said to Hayashi Shinichi, "I really don't have a very good outlook on the future of the People's News. Since leaving the Wanchao News, Kotoku and the others have become a bit impatient in their thoughts and actions."

Although much work has been done over the past year, and many young people have left Tokyo to go to the countryside to spread socialist ideas, they have also suffered a lot. Many rural farmers do not understand what socialism is at all, and regard them as outsiders. They not only do not resonate with the young people's criticisms of landlords and the Emperor, but also personally go to the government to expose them and demand that these young people be punished.

Socialism spread throughout the country thanks to the evangelism of these young people. However, it was precisely this radical approach that led to the rejection of socialist ideas in many places; the landowners were simply unwilling to have us on their land. Coupled with the social upheavals caused by the revolutions in China and Russia, I believe that using violence to change society may not be suitable for Japan. We should learn from the bloodless surrender of Edo and spread socialist ideas to the Japanese people. Once the Japanese people have a general awakening, the Emperor will naturally have no choice but to submit to the will of the people…”

Well, Professor Abe has changed after not seeing him for several years. Or rather, Professor Abe has never really changed. It's just that Japanese socialists have finally moved from theoretical discussions to the practical stage, and some intellectuals have become timid, hoping that the ruling class will voluntarily yield to the will of the proletariat.

Lin Xinyi did not intend to persuade Anbu, because Anbu had actually deviated from socialist ideology and become a reformist. This was perhaps his own fault; he had pushed Anbu to a position close to the core of power, which accelerated Anbu's reformist ideas.

Chapter 547

The journey from Shinbashi to Shitani, the location of the Heimin Shinbunsha (People's News Agency), took about an hour by carriage. During the journey, Hayashi Nobuyoshi and Abe Isoo had a rather in-depth conversation, mainly discussing Japan's future after the war and the development of socialism in Japan.

When the carriage arrived at its destination, Lin Xinyi roughly understood the basic ideas of Abe Isoo and his comrades. He therefore believed that it was time to make a distinction among Japanese socialist enthusiasts, otherwise Japanese socialists would not be able to complete the establishment of revolutionary organizations. Socialists without organization could only fall into empty talk or be easily suppressed by the government.

The People's News Agency is not far from Ueno Park. Shitaya District was the most prosperous downtown area during the Edo period. Nearby was Yoshiwara, the most famous geisha district during the Edo period. Therefore, it was a very prosperous commercial district for ordinary people during the Edo period. With the completion of the Tohoku Railway, new factories sprang up here, and a large number of new immigrants gathered in this area. Together with Shinbashi District, it was known as one of the two major industrial areas in northern and southern Tokyo.

The location of the People's News Agency was advantageous in two ways: firstly, it facilitated printing and disseminating socialist ideas to the working class; secondly, its proximity to the Bunkyo Ward, a hub of schools, made it easier to attract new talent. The fact that the People's News Agency grew from a dozen to nearly a hundred people in just one year, created the "People's Library," and translated more than ten popular socialist publications demonstrates that its chosen development strategy was correct.

However, the timing of the People's News Agency was wrong. If it had appeared during the period of popularization of the ideas of freedom and civil rights before the First Sino-Japanese War, then socialists could have joined forces with supporters of capitalist democracy to fight against the feudal lords' politics. Or, it could have been postponed for a while longer, until Emperor Meiji passed away. Without the Emperor Meiji's title, the feudal lords would have had to restrain their autocracy and dictatorship and show a democratic demeanor.

However, at this point in time, through the victories in two foreign wars, Emperor Meiji's prestige among the people has been elevated to an unparalleled level. The feudal lords, hiding behind the radiant ancestral tablet of Emperor Meiji, can easily tear apart any anti-government thoughts and organizations.

The more high-profile the People's News Agency becomes, the more tragic its fate will be. That's why he used Ito's authority to demand that Hara Yoshimichi obtain the Metropolitan Police Department's surveillance data. Once the army comes to power, they won't be so lenient towards socialists, and it's foreseeable that a violent army, having obtained detailed information on socialist activities, will resort to brutal physical elimination.

While the navy might be able to draw upon socialist ideology for its mindset of controlled economics and its resistance to Western colonialism, the army, primarily composed of small farmers, is completely incompatible with socialist thought. This is because socialism acknowledges certain progressive aspects of capitalism while advocating for the complete overthrow of feudalism and the landlord class. Conversely, the army, also primarily composed of small farmers, would eliminate socialist ideology as quickly as possible.

To paraphrase a modern saying, contemporary Japanese socialists are still too naive, unaware of the cruelty of class struggle, and hold a mysterious faith in progressivism, believing that as long as they represent the side of social progress, reactionary rulers will not dare to resort to violence. They overestimate the public's awareness, assuming that the people will stand up to protect their interests in the face of government violence.

But in reality, such a populace does not exist. This is not just a problem in Japan; history, both in the East and the West, now and in the future, has proven one thing: an unorganized populace is not a people. They will not take the initiative to defend their class interests. Lenin's vanguard theory was the key to transforming the oppressed masses into a revolutionary people.

Therefore, when more than ten key members of the People's News Agency, including Kotoku Shusui, Katayama Sen, Kinoshita Naoe, and Nishikawa Kojiro, welcomed Hayashi Shin's visit, they had already received a message from Abe during the day and arranged a meeting for that evening. Hayashi Shin's first words angered everyone: "The People's News Agency should end."

If Lin Xinyi hadn't been the translator of the Communist Manifesto, then Kotoku Shusui would probably have gotten up and kicked him out. Because of Lin Xinyi's translation of the Communist Manifesto, Kotoku Shusui and Katayama Sen eventually persuaded the other comrades to give Lin Xinyi a chance to explain.

Under the warm orange light, Lin Xinyi, sitting cross-legged on the tatami, calmly addressed the people in the room: "Yesterday and today, I read the past issues of the People's Newspaper at Abe-sensei's place. I'm very curious about one thing: what exactly is the People's Newspaper's political stance? Is it to urge the government to implement reformism, or to regard the government as an enemy and to overthrow the government and establish a workers' and peasants' regime?"

In particular, today's newspaper issue features Sanshiro Ishikawa's article, "A Message to Elementary School Teachers," which criticizes nationalist education, exposes the poor treatment of teachers, and calls on teachers to unite and participate in the socialist movement. This is tantamount to demanding that elementary school teachers rise up and revolt against the government. Don't you think such an article is highly problematic?

Kojiro Nishikawa roared, "What's wrong with that? Isn't what Sanshiro said true? What's wrong with us promoting correct ideas? Are you a lackey of the government?"

Lin Xinyi glanced at Xi Chuan and said calmly, "Of course there are problems with this. If you intend to urge the government to implement reformism, you should appeal to the government to reduce nationalist education and improve teachers' salaries. This way, you can at least gain the support of the primary school teacher group."

If you intend to call on primary school teachers to join the revolution and overthrow the current government, then you must tell these primary school teachers how to carry out the revolution and how to establish a proletarian education system after the revolution.

But now you are merely waving the banner of socialism, demanding that the people take unorganized and aimless anti-government action. This is rebellion, not revolution. Although you are waving the banner of socialism, it is still adventurism, nothing more than left-wing adventurism. It does nothing to help the proletarian revolution; on the contrary, it needlessly consumes the revolutionary enthusiasm of the people, arouses the current government's vigilance against socialism, and creates obstacles for the proletarian revolution.

Abe and Katayama both nodded slightly. One advocated reformism and the other advocated legitimate parliamentary struggle. They did not approve of the actions of the radicals within the company, but they could not restrain these people's actions. After all, the direct action faction led by Kotoku Shusui was based on the First International and claimed to be the most orthodox Marxism.

Eastern philosophical systems are inherently less complete than those of Europe. In particular, after the East missed the Age of Exploration and the Industrial Revolution, European philosophy had already established a complete set of social evolution ethics. Under the oppression of colonialism, Eastern countries found it difficult to spontaneously form modern social ethics suitable for their own history. They could only borrow from European philosophy and then build their own modern social ethical relationships according to European philosophical ideas.

The Qing Dynasty's Westernization Movement's "Chinese learning as the foundation, Western learning for practical application" and the Japanese nationalists' "Japanese spirit and Western learning" were both attempts to establish modern social ethics that conformed to their own historical and cultural traditions. In direct opposition to these were the "complete Westernization" and "leaving Asia and joining Europe" propositions of China and Japan.

Marxist scientific socialism was not initially introduced to Japan because of its progressiveness, but rather as a form of European culture that was more advanced than their own. Therefore, a large portion of Japanese socialists embraced socialism not out of class awakening, but rather as a means to enrich and strengthen the nation.

For example, Christian socialists, represented by Isoo Abe, were actually weaker in their critique and struggle against capitalism than their counterparts in Europe and America; they were closer to social reformism.

During the Wanchaobao era, socialists were relatively united because the newspaper's chief editor was a capitalist democrat, making it difficult for radical socialist ideas to be published. This ideological confrontation kept socialists from engaging in internal strife. However, after the socialists separated from Wanchaobao, reformism, parliamentary struggle, and direct action gradually divided them.

The reason why socialists have not yet split is not because the struggle between the three doctrines is not intense enough, but because the socialists' non-combat stance during this war has isolated them from the mainstream, thus allowing the three factions to maintain unity. However, as the war draws to a close, the foundation of unity maintained by the non-combat stance will disappear, and a split among the three factions will be inevitable.

Hayashi Shinji's arrival brought the hidden contradictions between the three factions to the surface, forcing Kotoku Shusui to defend the direct action theory. However, Hayashi Shinji quickly realized that Kotoku Shusui's direct action theory was still in the anarchist stage and not the vanguard theory advocated by Lenin.

He could only refute the anarchism championed by Kotoku Shusui: "As early as 1873, Marx criticized anarchism. If the political struggle of the working class takes the form of revolution, if the workers establish their own revolutionary dictatorship to replace the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, then they have committed a great crime of insulting principles, because in order to satisfy their own meager and basic daily needs and to crush the resistance of the bourgeoisie, the workers do not lay down their arms, do not abolish the state, but give the state a revolutionary and temporary form."

In 1901, the Russian socialist Lenin also published an article on anarchism and socialism. He quoted Engels's article on authority, pointing out that authority and obedience are necessary conditions for the existence and development of society. He argued that anarchists' self-proclaimed anti-authoritarianism is a confused idealist concept, because every society has authority and obedience; without authority and obedience, there is no order, and social production cannot be maintained…

Simply put, the existence of human society has two material conditions: labor production and wealth distribution. All human activities revolve around these two core elements, and the relationships formed between people during these activities constitute the existence of human society. This is the fundamental difference between human society and the animal world.

Many socialists in India and China have fallen into the ideological trap of anarchism. The Asian Democratic Revolutionary Alliance has conducted extensive research and analysis on this issue. I feel that your communication with the Alliance is far too distant. This is extremely detrimental to the Japanese proletarian movement, because we will step into a pit that has already been proven to be a trap, and needlessly take a detour.

The direct action supporters in the room suddenly fell silent, all unconsciously glancing at Kotoku Shusui, wanting to confirm his reaction. Just as Hayashi Nobuyoshi had described them—naive—this shortcoming was laid bare by Hayashi Nobuyoshi at this moment. Faced with the articles by Marx and Engels that Hayashi Nobuyoshi cited, they were unfamiliar with Lenin's name, but they knew who the former two were.

Although these Japanese socialists highly praised anarchism, they did not reach the intellectual heights of European anarchists, who directly expelled Marx from the ranks of socialists. Many of them were still at the stage of simply reciting socialist theories from books. Apart from a few like Kotoku Shusui and Katayama Sen, who were exploring the direction of Japanese socialist theory, the others were still in a stage of worshipping European socialist theory. Faced with Hayashi Shin'ichi's quotations from classical texts, they were naturally confused.

At first, Kotoku Shusui wanted to refute this, because he genuinely believed that the purpose of the state was to defend private property, maintain the privileges of the ruling class, and oppress the vast majority of workers. Therefore, only through direct democracy for the workers and the abolition of the state system could workers truly exercise self-management and win genuine freedom.

However, he was unable to fully express this idea in his own words, and when he quoted Proudhon and Kropotkin, they blocked him by quoting Marx, Engels, and Lenin, which put him in a difficult position.

At this point, Kojiro Nishikawa questioned Shin-yi Lin: "So, do you support gradual reformism or legal struggle to achieve socialism?"

Lin Xinyi looked at him and replied without hesitation: "We are very clear that socialism requires the abolition of private ownership, while feudalism and capitalism both uphold private ownership. Therefore, the two sides have an irreconcilable contradiction on the issue of ownership of the means of production. As long as social reform touches on the issue of ownership of the means of production, then the reform cannot be implemented. Either the reformists will voluntarily give up the change of ownership of the means of production, or the ruling class will use force to force the reformists to give up."

Law is the embodiment of the will of the ruling class. Socialist law necessarily upholds the public ownership of the means of production, while capitalist law necessarily upholds private ownership. In other words, the struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie cannot be legitimate. Either the proletariat seizes state power and elevates its will to the level of state law, thus legitimizing the struggle against the bourgeoisie, or the representatives of the proletariat betray the interests of their own class, accept the will of the bourgeoisie, and propose reform measures within a legal framework.

Katayama Sen couldn't sit still any longer. He asked Lin Xinyi, "According to your logic, wouldn't parliamentary struggle be meaningless? But the Second International believes that, in addition to forming independent political parties, the proletariat in each country should actively spread Marxism and take legal means of struggle to expand the influence of Marxism."

Lin Xinyi nodded to Katayama and said, "Yes, I acknowledge the existence of legitimate forms of struggle, but I deny the existence of legitimate struggle itself. Legitimate forms of struggle refer to struggles conducted within the scope that the law does not deny. Although the law represents the will of the ruling class, the response of this will is not instantaneous but is born through continuous trial and error. Therefore, there are bound to be loopholes in the specific provisions of the law."

Common law, particularly in the Anglo-American legal system, advocates that what is not prohibited by law is permitted. Therefore, as long as it is not deemed illegal by Anglo-American law, there are legitimate ways to fight. In contrast, the civil law system, represented by Germany and France, attempts to eliminate loopholes at the root. As a result, it becomes less constrained by specific provisions, which greatly strengthens the power of the police. The expansion of police power is used to fill legal loopholes.

Therefore, the legal form of struggle mentioned here actually means using loopholes in the law to legitimize the proletariat's struggle. Of course, there is another so-called legal struggle, which is the complete abandonment of illegal struggle advocated by Bernstein and Kautsky, and fighting against the bourgeoisie within the bounds of the law, namely, parliamentary struggle.

This so-called legitimate struggle is nothing more than an attempt to seize control of parliament by implementing a universal suffrage system, taking advantage of the proletariat's numerical superiority, and then using that parliamentary control to exercise legislative power, thereby transforming the nature of the regime into a proletarian democracy.

However, this clearly violates the organizational principles of a regime. From the moment it is established, any regime inevitably carries the class attributes of its rulers. In other words, it is impossible for a regime to exist without class attributes, not even for a second. Furthermore, a regime has a need for self-preservation; a regime will not abandon its efforts to survive until its demise.

Therefore, when the proletariat controls the legislative power of the bourgeoisie, the violent organizations controlled by that regime will inevitably launch a counterattack, regardless of whether it violates the laws it has enacted. Thus, the transfer of power must necessarily be achieved through violence; this is the basis for the theory of class struggle.

Therefore, Bernsteinism, which advocates abandoning class struggle and engaging in legal struggle, is not socialism, but opportunism. It attempts to avoid violent revolution by modifying Marxism, but ultimately only allows a portion of the population to join the ruling class, thus betraying the proletariat and failing to represent the proletariat in defending their interests.

I have no intention of saying much about the critique of Bernsteinism. Given the current confrontation between the two major camps in Europe, the supporters of Bernsteinism within the Second International will soon reveal their true positions. We only need to stand aside and observe how they betray their own proletariat and fawn over the bourgeoisie…”

Chapter 548

While Hayashi Shin-yi theoretically suppressed Kotoku Shusui and Katayama Sen, he was powerless to persuade these two leading Japanese socialists to abandon their paths. People who can gain followers are often somewhat stubborn in character. Just as Kotoku Shusui could not convince Abe and Katayama to directly make the overthrow of the emperor their revolutionary goal, Hayashi Shin-yi could not persuade them to abandon the path of direct action.

Lin Xinyi wasn't surprised by Kotoku Shusui's stubbornness, even though they hadn't had much contact. He was quite familiar with the stubborn nature of the Japanese people of that era. Yes, it wasn't just Kotoku Shusui's problem, but rather a general mentality among the Japanese people of that time—a spirit of going down a single path to the bitter end, only Kotoku's was more pronounced.

This kind of Japanese personality is not commonly seen in later generations, and it did not exist before the Meiji Restoration. The Japanese personality of this era was actually reshaped by the anti-shogunate faction. The heroes who overthrew the shogunate sacrificed themselves one after another, and finally brought down the seemingly invincible Tokugawa shogunate.

It's important to understand that even when the anti-shogunate army approached Edo Castle, they didn't have an absolute advantage. Edo was the stronghold of the Tokugawa shogunate, and the people there were unlikely to defect to the coalition of powerful southwestern domains. The shogunate might not have lost if they had resisted to the end, but they would have sold out Japan's interests to foreign powers like the Qing dynasty did, which would have allowed the shogunate to continue.

The success of the overthrow of the shogunate led to a dramatic change in the timid and submissive character of the Japanese. From lower-ranking samurai to commoners, there was a sense that as long as they persevered, even the most difficult path could be traversed, and the impossible could be turned into the possible. This was the spiritual pillar that enabled Japan to challenge the Qing Dynasty and Russia.

Of course, the Japanese at this time were not blindly rushing forward. They regarded themselves as a kind of sacrifice, preparing to warn future generations how to avoid these dangers with their own failures. They firmly believed that their sacrifice would bring success to their comrades later on.

As for the Japanese during the Showa era, their goal in choosing a path was to achieve success, regardless of how many people died. Therefore, when failure threatened their safety, they would quickly change direction.

The man before me, Kōtoku Shūsui, was a typical Meiji Japanese. Although he had not been able to out-debate Hayashi Shin'yō in theory, he still wanted to follow his own path. He believed that even if he failed, he could provide lessons for those who came after him. If he gave up, it would only make those who came after him easily abandon their ambitions and tarnish their ideals.

Although he didn't have any fondness for the Japanese, Lin Xinyi couldn't help but admire them. This was probably a characteristic of Meiji Japan that made it a great power. A country that doesn't dare to take responsibility can't become a great power, like the Soviet Union in 1991 and the United States after 2000.

Although it failed to persuade Kōtoku Shūsui to abandon his practice, tonight's exchange was still a success. At least the participants theoretically acknowledged the correctness of Hayashi Shin'yō's ideas. However, they have not yet accepted using Hayashi Shin'yō's theories to guide their practice. After all, socialists have already established their own social relationships in practice, and they cannot so easily abandon their previous efforts.

Lin Xinyi felt that the issue was beyond what could be resolved through debate, so he suggested, "Let's end our discussion here for now. Mr. Xingde, Mr. Katayama, and Mr. Abe, please stay and talk with me about how we should proceed with our work. Let's reach a conclusion first and then discuss it with everyone. How does that sound?"

The others breathed a sigh of relief. To be honest, it was quite upsetting to have their beliefs overturned by such a young man. This was even more frustrating than Lin Xinyi demanding the disbandment of the People's News Agency, because while they could protest against the demand for disbandment, they couldn't argue illogically based on sound theories. After all, they had gathered together to seek the truth.

Even the most radical Nishikawa planned to leave to summarize what he had learned that night and clarify his thoughts. Kotoku Shusui and Katayama Sen also had no intention of continuing the standoff with Hayashi Shin'ichi and Abe in front of their comrades. Abe had clearly reached an understanding with Hayashi Shin'ichi, and therefore did not oppose disbanding the People's News Agency. Continuing to argue about it would only further divide the group; it was better for the four of them to sit down and have a small discussion.

After the others left the room, Lin Xinyi glanced at the three people inside and said, "The reason I suggested that the Heimin Shinbun (People's News Agency) be disbanded is that I believe its historical mission has been completed. Next, Japanese socialism will enter a situation of direct confrontation with the government. The current practice of the Heimin Shinbun being completely exposed to the government is obviously not going to protect itself."

Kōtoku Shūsui couldn't help but speak up: "The path to the truth is full of thorns. How can we stop because we are afraid of bloodshed? If anyone feels that staying is too dangerous, then they can withdraw on their own. I will not stop them. But I will not give up. I am willing to shed blood for the truth. You may be Saigō, and I will be Tsukishū."

Katayama Sen couldn't sit still any longer and said, "Things shouldn't have come to this. After all, this is the Meiji era, not the Edo Shogunate. Would the government dare to kill people for their words? That would only incite public resentment towards the government. I don't think anyone in the government would be that stupid."

Abe nodded slightly at Katayama's statement, clearly believing that while the current government suppressed speech, it wouldn't go to the reactionary level of the shogunate. However, Hayashi Shinji disagreed, saying, "If you look at the reports about the Emperor, you'll see that since the second half of last year, the Emperor's public activities have greatly decreased."

The three looked at Lin Xinyi with some confusion. Knowing that history was being rewritten, he made a judgment without hesitation: "The Emperor must have contracted some kind of chronic illness. In addition, he has difficulty walking, so he can only reduce his public activities and recuperate."

By examining the lifespan of the Shoguns, we can see that the pampered Shoguns actually lived shorter lives than the Emperor. After Emperor Meiji moved to Tokyo, his diet followed the regulations of the Tokugawa Shogunate, and thus, some of the diseases that had plagued the Shoguns in the past naturally appeared in the Emperor as well.

I don't know if the Emperor will recover, but I do know one thing very well: the worse the Emperor's health, the more the government controlled by the feudal lords will suppress public opinion to avoid unrest. Only after a new Emperor ascends the throne and society stabilizes will the government relax its oppressive rule.

Therefore, when the Emperor is healthy, even if the People's News Agency's statements are outrageous, the government will at most shut down the newspaper and imprison a few people as a warning to the public to be cautious in their speech. However, if the Emperor's health declines, in order to prevent the spread of rumors and disturbances, the government will address the factors that could lead to social unrest at their source. At this point, killing becomes inevitable. This is the best proof that the law is the embodiment of the will of the ruling class.

The three looked at Lin Xinyi in astonishment. This news was far too shocking for them. Abe couldn't help but ask, "Are you sure? Is the Emperor's health really in trouble?"

Lin Xinyi looked at the three of them and said, "The key point is not whether the Emperor's health is really problematic, but what impact this situation will have on Japan? What impact will it have on Japan's socialist cause? What kind of contingency plans should we make to deal with all possible problems? If we do not think about or prepare anything, then the socialist cause will be hit, and we will be in a helpless predicament. Is this the situation we want to see?"

Abe and Katayama fell into deep thought, clearly moved by Hayashi Nobuyoshi's words and no longer considering them nonsense. Even Kotoku Shusui had lost his earlier stubbornness and spoke up: "I know you're trying to protect us, but disbanding the People's News Agency like this would mean we're surrendering to the government? How are we supposed to explain this to those who follow us? Everyone has worked tirelessly, enduring the villagers' insults to spread socialism. We can't just give up because of some uncertain news, can we?"

After pondering for a few seconds, Lin Xinyi said, "Dissolving the People's News Agency is not the end of the struggle. In your opinion, how can the Japanese revolution succeed?"

When asked about this question, the three, including Kotoku Shusui, unanimously replied that the government should enlighten the people and that once the people turn to socialism, the government will have no choice but to yield to their wishes.

However, Lin Xinyi disagreed, saying: "The Japanese revolution is different from the revolutions in continental countries such as India, China, and Russia. These continental countries were at least able to rely on their own resources and population to complete industrialization, so they could take the path of armed struggle to seize power. Once these countries established a proletarian dictatorship, they were able to mobilize the people to build industry and eliminate the interference of external reactionary forces."

However, Japan was different. Japan was densely populated and lacked abundant resources, so it needed external resources to industrialize. This meant that even if the Japanese proletariat seized power through armed struggle, it still couldn't achieve industrialization without external assistance.

The consequence of failing to industrialize was the loss of the ability to develop productive forces, which meant that Japan could only rely on agriculture to feed itself. However, Japan's agriculture could not support such a large population. Therefore, Japan's proletarian dictatorship would be attacked from both inside and outside the country by reactionary forces, and would eventually lose control of the regime.

Furthermore, the promulgation of the Meiji Constitution led to the formation of a coalition between the old aristocracy and the emerging feudal lords and financial cliques. The so-called emperor-ruled state was actually a state ruled jointly by the landlord class and the bourgeoisie. This unity of reactionary forces meant that there could be no armed separatism within Japan. In other words, Japan was either entirely red or entirely white, and there would be no situation of being half red and half white.

Because Japan's industrialization was constrained by the import of external resources, whether Japan was "red" or "white" essentially depended on which external force—red or white—gained the upper hand. This is what I believe is the future of the Japanese revolution: we need the support of the external proletariat, and we need to break the alliance between the internal landlord class and the bourgeoisie; otherwise, we cannot complete the Japanese revolution.

Even Kotoku Shusui fell silent. Though stubborn, he wasn't foolish. The revolutionary path Lin Xinyi described was clearly much clearer and more feasible than the one he himself had yet to find the right direction for. Abe, however, was conflicted. He hoped Japan could become better, but faced with the prospect of truly overthrowing the current Japan and starting anew, he felt a mix of hope and uncertainty.

Katayama Sen, however, was very interested in the revolutionary path proposed by Lin Xinyi and asked, "You said we need to break the alliance between the landlord class and the bourgeoisie, so how can we break their alliance?"

Lin Xinyi confidently replied: "We will launch an offensive on the cultural front to destroy the ideological foundation of the alliance between the landlord class and the bourgeoisie. The reason why this alliance can exist is actually due to the absolutism of the emperor system, that is, Japanese politics is responsible to the emperor rather than to anyone else, thus making the emperor the arbitrator of the contradictions between the landlord class and the bourgeoisie, and also making the people transform the oppression of them by the landlord class and the bourgeoisie into loyalty to the emperor."

If the people cannot see that their so-called loyalty to the Emperor is actually oppression and exploitation by the ruling class, then it will be difficult for us to awaken them to resist this oppression and exploitation. Instead, those who see themselves as subjects of the Emperor will regard them as enemies of the Emperor and also as enemies of the people. In that case, our revolutionary actions will not receive popular support, and we will ultimately die of thirst like travelers in the desert who cannot find water.

Katayama Sen seemed to be deep in thought, and Kotoku Shusui finally asked, moved, "That is indeed a very good idea. However, do you have a concrete plan? How exactly can we get the people to break free from their blind faith in the absolutism of the Emperor system?"

Lin Xinyi's thinking on the cultural front clearly did not begin after returning to Japan. He said without hesitation: "To break the public's superstitious belief in the absolutism of the Emperor system, we must first reshape the public's correct understanding of the world."

For example, after the promulgation of the Constitution of the Empire of Japan, the people were in an uproar, believing that Japan had become a member of the civilized nation. However, most people did not realize the difference between the Imperial Constitution and the National Treaty Constitution. The former still represented the divine right of kings, only this monarchical power was fixed in the form of law, while the latter represented the achievement of a social contract, which is the foundation of a democratic system.

Therefore, the essence of European civilization is that the people and the government or monarch reached a contract, thereby limiting the power of the government or monarch, rather than the government and monarch telling the people that their freedom is within the limits of the law.

The Japanese people's shallow understanding of democracy makes it difficult for them to comprehend why liberals and democratic rights advocates oppose the Imperial Constitution, because they simply cannot distinguish between the Imperial Constitution and the National Constitution. Meanwhile, the feudal lords, representing the landowning class, exploited the public's ignorance of democracy and freedom, creating the false impression in the public's mind that the Imperial Constitution granted them freedom.