Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 162

　Upon learning of Austria-Hungary's annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Itō Hirobumi understood that he was powerless to stop the annexation of Japan and Korea. Austria-Hungary's actions legally averted the diplomatic crisis triggered by the military's push for the annexation of Japan and Korea. Since Austria-Hungary could do it, Japan had the same right; the victory in the war against Russia had made the Japanese people no longer tolerate their inferior status.

　The Austro-Hungarian Empire's annexation further proved that the so-called principles of the international order cannot overcome might. If Japan wanted to avoid being preyed upon by the strong, it had to first become strong itself. This military mindset was no longer confined to the military; it had also gained widespread support within the government and society.

　As Komura Jutaro stated, if the military were to take a unilateral approach and forcibly annex the Korean Peninsula, Japan would face immense diplomatic pressure. Rather than that, it would be better for the government to take the lead in the Japan-Korea merger, which would at least give Japan some diplomatic initiative, since it would be a merger with the consent of the Koreans rather than a military annexation.

　However, what worried Ito the most was the military's power to report to higher authorities. The Meiji Constitution, which he spearheaded, separated the power of command from the power of governance in order to ensure the emperor's absolutism and suppress the democratic interests of the Kuomintang. As a result, the military and the government no longer had a subordinate relationship, and both were equal entities that submitted to the emperor, the supreme authority.

　This constitution certainly maintained the special status of the Choshu and Satsuma clans in the Meiji government. After all, the government could be changed frequently, but the army could not be disbanded at will. Thus, the Choshu and Satsuma clans firmly grasped the government by relying on the emperor's absolutism.

　However, Ito never imagined that in just twenty years, the public's disgust with the clan politics would have reached such a level, with the rise of political parties and the government beginning to drift further and further away from the military. At this point, the military's power to dictate terms to the emperor truly became a hidden danger.

　If the military were to bypass the government and act arbitrarily by exercising its power of secret reporting, it would be tantamount to overthrowing the Meiji Constitution it had drafted. The government would then become a mere figurehead, and the military would exist like a shogunate, issuing national policies in the name of the Emperor. In that case, the achievements of the Meiji Restoration would be rendered meaningless, and a new war to overthrow the shogunate would begin.

　After weighing the options, Ito Hirobumi had no choice but to concede to Katsura Taro and Komura Jutaro, stating that he would not obstruct the annexation of Japan and Korea. Katsura Taro then negotiated with Navy Minister Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, offering to support a grand ceremony to welcome the returning fleet and the Navy's proposed Eight-Eight Fleet in exchange for Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's support for the annexation.

　However, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's support for the army quickly sparked controversy within the navy. Naval General Staff Chief of Staff Kawahara Yoichi challenged Yamamoto at a naval meeting: "What kind of reciprocal exchange is this? We support the army's annexation of Korea and the army's plan to increase its 25th Division in peacetime, in exchange for the army's budget to support the Eight-Eight Fleet. Is this reciprocal?"

　Wasn't the army's annexation of Korea aimed at advancing into the mainland? Given Japan's national strength, could it simultaneously pursue both a mainland policy and a southward expansion policy? If a southward expansion policy couldn't be implemented, then what was the purpose of building the Eight-Eight Fleet? Was it just to leave them idle in naval ports?

　Furthermore, the Katsura Taro cabinet is on the verge of collapse. The so-called support for the Eight-Eight Fleet budget is merely verbal from the army; the final passage of the budget depends on the next government. However, for the army, if the division expansion plan can be discussed, then the four temporary divisions they formed during the war can be retained, and the remaining six divisions will require budgets from the next government.

　Therefore, I strongly oppose this unfair exchange. The Army is treating the Navy like monkeys, dangling a big promise at the expense of its own interests. Who would fall for such a trick?

　Kawahara's challenge to Navy Minister Yamamoto at the meeting garnered support from many naval officers, who also felt that Yamamoto's agreement with the Army without prior discussion was indeed somewhat arbitrary. While in the past, everyone had to silently tolerate Yamamoto's unilateral decisions, the situation was different now. The new naval policy had gained widespread acceptance across central government departments, and the Navy Ministry's proposed "Eight-Eight Fleet" plan had not received much support. Under these circumstances, Yamamoto's continued unilateral actions would be seen as disregarding the needs of his colleagues.

　Although Yamamoto Gonnohyōe won the support of the younger officers in the Combined Fleet, he did not gain absolute dominance within the Navy. In other words, the "Eight-Eight Fleet" as the future direction of the Navy did not pass through the upper echelons of the Navy. His agreement with the Army essentially forced dissenting voices to disappear after the fact. Regardless, the enormous budget that the Eight-Eight Fleet brought to the Navy was enough to quell discontent within the Navy.

　Yamamoto Gonnohyōe and Saitō Makoto had a well-thought-out plan, but the Naval General Staff, represented by Kawahara, clearly didn't see it that way. Kawahara's tough stance spurred other anti-Yamamoto factions to join the chorus of voices. The superficial harmony that had been maintained within the Navy was completely shattered at this moment.

　Newspapers controlled by the Naval General Staff criticized the Katsura Taro cabinet mercilessly, arguing that the army had used its opposition to peace talks to bring down the navy cabinet, only to then proactively reach a compromise with Russia—a clear betrayal of the navy for power. Furthermore, the army's proposed military expansion plan served its overriding continental policy, leading some in the navy to prioritize the army's interests over the navy's future. Were these individuals genuinely concerned for the navy's budget, or were they simply trying to profit from the expansion plan?

　The commentary in the Naniwa newspaper greatly damaged the authority of the Navy Ministry, but won the support of lower-ranking officers and soldiers in the Navy, who also deeply resented the corruption of the Navy's upper echelons. This issue of the newspaper resonated with these officers and soldiers, and calls for a thorough investigation into corruption within the Navy began to rise.

Chapter 566

On January 23, a triumphant fleet review was held off the coast of Yokohama. This was the second time Japan had held a fleet review, the first being in 1868. In the 1868 fleet review, Japan sent a total of six warships with a total tonnage of only 2452 tons, while the French warship invited to participate at that time was 1800 tons. Emperor Meiji could only stand on the shore to watch the fleet.

The triumphant Combined Fleet returned with 165 ships, including 38 warships and 28 destroyers, totaling over 32 tons, making it the largest fleet in Asia. For the Japanese people who experienced the fall of the Tokugawa shogunate, the development of the Japanese navy to such a scale in just 40 years was naturally something to be proud of.

When Emperor Meiji inspected the Combined Fleet at sea aboard the armored cruiser Asama, Ito Sukeyuki accompanied him. Watching his reputation plummet from its peak to its trough and then slowly rise again over the past two months had put this naval veteran in high spirits; after all, if he hadn't managed to extricate himself sooner, he would be facing the same predicament as Katsura Taro.

Although Japan's eventual victory in the war allowed him to step down peacefully, his situation wouldn't be much better than Kuroda Kiyotaka's. Amidst public condemnation and contempt, he would ultimately be politically marginalized. Ito certainly didn't want to become a second Kuroda. Although he wasn't taking the blame for this, his reputation was ultimately ruined, and any future favors bestowed upon his descendants would be irrelevant to him.

Therefore, he now thoroughly enjoys this feeling of being completely out of the limelight. In contrast to the Katsura Taro cabinet, the people are now praising his honesty and steady approach to things. This improved public opinion of him quickly manifested politically; the Emperor's greetings to him increased significantly, clearly indicating that he now truly held political weight comparable to veterans like Ito and Yamagata, and that his opinion was indispensable in certain matters.

In fact, the status of elder statesmen is not static. For example, after Kuroda Kiyotaka's reputation was ruined, the emperor gradually stopped consulting him on politics, which effectively stripped Kuroda of his elder state status. The same was true for Oyama Iwao. After Saigo Tsugumichi's death, the emperor no longer summoned Oyama to council meetings. This was also to balance the power between the army and navy. Oyama was also stripped of his right to participate in council meetings.

If Ito's reputation among the people were too poor, the Emperor, while not openly revoking his status as a Genro (elder statesman), could effectively expel him from the Genro Council simply by not informing him when convening meetings. The most important power of a Genro is essentially that of an advisor, that is, the power to decide on major national policies. Without this power, even if one has enormous influence in other areas, one cannot change national policy, and thus, various factions will no longer be able to rely on one.

Because Ito had gained the most from this political struggle, he strongly supported the Naval General Staff and Hayashi Nobuyoshi, treating them as his own loyal followers. Of course, as Hayashi Nobuyoshi had predicted, now that he was free from the political predicament, Ito felt it was more important to maintain unity within the navy.

During a break while accompanying the Emperor on his inspection of the Combined Fleet, Ito spoke with Kawahara. The main point of their conversation was that he did not object to the Naval General Staff and the Ministry of the Navy debating the future plans of the Navy, but such debates should not incite internal strife within the Navy. For example, bringing up past corruption within the Navy would be going too far.

Upon hearing this, Kawahara couldn't help but admire Hayashi Nobuyoshi's accurate assessment of Ito's thoughts. After being rescued, Ito's focus shifted from repaying them to maintaining the overall interests of the Navy. Ultimately, he simply didn't want a complete falling out with the Yamamoto faction and to avoid a mutually destructive outcome.

To be honest, Ito Genro's background wasn't entirely clean either. After all, Ito was still a core member of the Satsuma faction in the past, and there were some things he couldn't claim to be unaware of. Although Yamamoto Gonbei seemed to have many problems, from a certain perspective, the funds he embezzled didn't all go into his own pocket; rather, they were distributed to various key members of the Satsuma faction.

If he hadn't had an in-depth conversation with Hayashi Shin'ichi, Kawahara might have hesitated and made concessions. But now he knows he has no way out. He might let Yamamoto off the hook on this issue, but would Yamamoto let him off the hook once he's recovered? What power does Ito have to force Yamamoto to back down? Ito's supporter within the Navy is him, not Yamamoto. In other words, if Yamamoto doesn't give Ito face, then Ito can't interfere in the Navy's internal affairs. After all, he's not Saigo Tsugumichi.

While these thoughts swirled in Kawahara's mind, he immediately replied firmly, "But it's the Navy Minister Yamamoto who's breaking the rules. At the general officers' meeting, everyone clearly believed that a simple expansion plan wouldn't be of much significance to the future of the navy. The future of the navy lies in the south, in Japan's further industrialization, and in establishing a maritime trade network."

Speaker Yamamoto negotiated with the Army regarding the Eight-Eight Fleet plan, which had failed to pass at the generals' conference. He intended to compromise with the Army's continental policy to get his Eight-Eight Fleet plan approved. Isn't this putting the Navy's future at the expense of his own interests? If everyone in the Navy acts like Speaker Yamamoto, can the Navy as a whole still exist?

For the sake of the Navy's future, we should proactively eliminate the corrupt elements when necessary. Isn't this precisely what Minister Yamamoto advocated during his personnel reforms? So, when he himself becomes a corrupt element within the Navy, shouldn't we help him find a way out? This isn't some internal struggle within the Navy; it's the Navy's self-reform. It's not my personal opinion, but the will of everyone in the Navy. Therefore, I cannot compromise on this issue.

Ito's expression froze, and while Kawahara was feeling uneasy, the other party gave him a wry smile and said, "Since neither of you is willing to compromise, let's have another meeting to discuss the future direction of the Navy."

The officers and councilors from the Combined Fleet who were deployed in the last meeting did not attend, as they disagreed with the meeting's conclusions. Now that they are back, let's sit down and discuss it again. This discussion will serve as the final decision; if anyone goes back on their word again, I will not be involved.

Kawahara's mood immediately calmed down. Just as Lin Xinyi had predicted, when he adopted an uncompromising stance, Ito Genryu had no choice but to abandon his position of applying strong pressure. As long as Ito Genryu and Yamamoto Kaisho did not stand on the same side, the struggle within the Navy could continue, and they might not necessarily lose.

Ito certainly wouldn't break with Kawahara at this time. He and Yamamoto hadn't truly formed an alliance of interests, so why would he abandon Kawahara for Yamamoto's sake? His relationship with Kawahara wasn't one of subordination. After all, Kawahara wasn't someone he had personally promoted; he had his own base of influence. So, breaking with Kawahara wouldn't just offend Kawahara alone, but would push the entire Kawahara faction to the opposite side.

The relationship between Saigo Tsugumichi and Yamamoto Gonnohyōe is different. Without the former's support, the latter could not make great strides in the navy. Therefore, even after becoming the Minister of the Navy, he still had to be subservient to Saigo Tsugumichi because his base was also Saigo Tsugumichi's base. Even if he did not obey Saigo, his subordinates would obey Saigo's orders.

The relationship between Ito and Kawahara is merely an alliance based on shared interests. Both have their own bases within the Navy, but Ito's influence outside the Navy is clearly no match for Kawahara, the current Chief of the Naval General Staff. Only with Ito and Kawahara combined can they suppress Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, Saigō Tsugumichi's successor.

For Ito, the conflict between Yamamoto and Kawahara amplified his influence as a naval elder, but if either Yamamoto or Kawahara were to be completely defeated, it would be detrimental to his control over the navy. This is why he tried to persuade Kawahara not to escalate the conflict, as maintaining the status quo of the navy was in his best interest.

However, if Kawahara takes a hard line and refuses to back down, Ito can only express his support to avoid the breakdown of the alliance between the two sides, which would also be a bad outcome for Yamamoto, the Minister of the Navy, to become too powerful.

Meanwhile, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe also approached Admiral Tōgō Heihachirō, commander-in-chief of the Combined Fleet, seeking the support of this new naval war god regarding the Eight-Eight Fleet plan. He and Saitō Makoto were making a big show of the Combined Fleet's triumphant return for two reasons: firstly, to highlight the navy's achievements in the war, thus suppressing the army and reversing the land-based dominance that had prevailed since the Satsuma Rebellion; and secondly, to elevate Tōgō Heihachirō's position within the navy, thereby further solidifying his faction's dominant position within the navy.

However, after returning to Japan, Togo Heihachiro no longer held the unconditional support he had previously shown for Navy Minister Yamamoto. He expressed his doubts to Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, saying, "There are rumors circulating among the officers and soldiers of the fleet that some people in the Navy have colluded with the Army to bring down the Navy Cabinet for their own selfish interests. The grand welcoming ceremony and the so-called increase in the Navy's budget are just tactics used by the Army to deceive the Navy. In reality, the Army still wants to continue its continental policy and maintain its defense policy of land dominance and naval subordination..."

Although Togo Heihachiro saw that Navy Minister Yamamoto's face had darkened, he still spoke without hesitation: "Although I trust you, the doubts of the naval officers and soldiers cannot be left unaddressed, otherwise it will only further divide the navy. For the sake of naval unity, I believe that persuading everyone to accept the Eight-Eight Fleet plan is more beneficial than forcibly pushing it forward."

Togo Heihachiro became cautious because he had previously believed the internal naval debate was merely a disagreement about the navy's future direction. Therefore, he naturally supported the expansion plan unconditionally, as he was a proponent of military-first principles and believed that national defense came before the nation. However, as more information came from within the country, he realized that the debate had transcended mere naval development philosophy and transformed into a political struggle between the Yamamoto faction and other non-Yamamoto factions. Even the Satsuma faction had split as a result, making it difficult for him to simply address the issue at hand.

It wasn't that Togo Heihachiro was afraid of political struggles, but he really didn't want the navy to split up at this time. This was the best time for the navy to suppress the army. If the navy started fighting at this time, how could it suppress the army and complete the change in defense policy from the navy to the army?

Moreover, the Yamamoto faction is not currently in the upper hand. In fact, within the Navy, the Yamamoto faction is quite controversial. On the one hand, the Yamamoto faction holds too many important positions in the Navy, and this nepotism naturally arouses dissatisfaction among others, which is a historical factor. On the other hand, the collapse of the Ito cabinet this time was too rapid, making it hard not to associate it with a conspiracy. At this time, the agreement reached between Navy Minister Yamamoto and the Army undoubtedly confirms some of the rumors.

In some ways, even if the Yamamoto faction wins this internal naval power struggle, their control over the navy will be greatly weakened due to their damaged reputation. Togo Heihachiro naturally doesn't want to see this happen; what's the point of fighting a war that's a defeat even if won?

Togo Heihachiro's tactful advice led Yamamoto Gonnohyōe to finally abandon his idea of ​​forcibly suppressing dissenting voices within the Navy. After communicating with Ito, he decided to hold an informal meeting within the Navy at Ito's residence. It was informal because Ito's current status was not suitable for him to appear in a formal meeting within the Navy, and Yamamoto Gonnohyōe did not want to set a precedent for a senior member directly interfering in the Navy's internal affairs.

The grand triumphal procession of the Combined Fleet lasted for three days. The people of Tokyo went wild for the moment, as they truly and directly experienced Japan's victory in the war. The shadow cast over the citizens of Tokyo by the Hibiya Burning Incident dissipated with this triumphal celebration.

The Katsura Taro Cabinet seized this opportunity and formally passed the "Cabinet Decision on Establishing Korea's Protectorate Rights" on January 25. Ito Hirobumi was appointed as a special envoy to go to Korea to persuade Korea to accept Japan's resolution, and Ito would also become the first Director-General.

The reason Ito was chosen as a special envoy was because King Gojong had a favorable impression of him. This favorable impression stemmed from the fact that when the reformists attempted to force Gojong to establish a parliament and draft a constitution, Ito Hirobumi supported Gojong's opposition to this political reform. Therefore, Gojong's fondness for Ito was not based on Ito's intention to preserve Korean independence, but rather on Ito's preservation of his autocratic power as the monarch of Korea.

With the fate of Korea uncertain, King Gojong's concern wasn't about granting rights to his people, but rather about maintaining his own power—a truly laughable dictatorial mindset. It was precisely because of this that even Ito Hirobumi, when considering the pros and cons of annexing Korea, didn't take into account the Korean people's feelings, but was only concerned with how other countries would perceive Japan's actions.

After Hayashi Nobuyoshi returned to Tokyo, Ito Hirobumi summoned him to his residence, showed him the draft proposal for annexing Korea, and asked for his opinion. This inquiry was much more formal than the one at Asukayama Shibusawa's residence, and Hayashi Nobuyoshi's answers were much more detailed.

He told Ito, “Since Japan intends to annex Korea by spreading civilization, there is no need to establish a Resident-General’s Office. Just supervise Korea’s National Assembly to abolish the Yangban system and Confucianism. In this way, the Korean people will focus on overthrowing the privileges of the Yangban, rather than worrying about the issue of Japan-Korea annexation.”

Although Ito thought Hayashi Shin-yi's idea was very close to the best solution he had envisioned, he still shook his head and said, "Establishing the Resident-General's Office is not only the army's idea, but also the idea of ​​all parties. Without this Resident-General's Office, how can we demonstrate our country's sovereignty over Korea? In that case, it would be better not to sign this protection agreement."

Lin Xinyi then took a step back and said, "If we must establish a Resident-General's Office to demonstrate sovereignty, then we can appoint a Korean as Resident-General, and then appoint Japanese officials as ministers of various departments. Then we can establish a Korean National Assembly to promote civil rights. In that case, both Korea and Japan will be loyal to the Emperor, and there will be no difference in status. Then the Korean people will have much less resistance. After all, King Yi is not a wise ruler, and not many people will die for him."

After a long silence, Ito shook his head and sighed again, "That's a good idea, but the military won't understand. The reason I took the position of Commander-in-Chief is because I'm worried that if this position falls into the hands of the military, their actions overseas will become even more arrogant..."

Upon hearing Ito Hirobumi's reply, Lin Xinyi could only shrug and frankly say, "If even Ito is so wary of the military's disobedience, I must worry about Japan's future. When the Marquis and other veterans are no longer around, will the government be able to suppress the military as it is today? If not, it would be better to let this boil burst sooner rather than later, at least there are still people who can clean up the mess now."

For the first time, Ito was speechless after being asked a question by a young man, and the conversation ended abruptly. However, this conversation did dispel Ito's idea of ​​taking Hayashi Shinichi to Korea. He was worried that Hayashi Shinichi was too troublesome in the navy, so he wanted to send him to Korea to temper him. However, after hearing Hayashi Shinichi's views on Korea, he felt that taking him to Korea would likely cause a conflict between Hayashi Shinichi and the army, which would make his decision more difficult.

On the afternoon of January 30th, Lin Xinyi, accompanied by Kawahara Yaoichi and Togo Masamichi, arrived at Ito Sukeyuki's villa in Oiso. Oiso, located in southern Kanagawa Prefecture, is nestled between mountains and the sea, boasting exceptionally beautiful scenery. Its eight scenic views are renowned throughout Tokyo: Evening Bell of Koryoji Temple, Clear Skies over Koyo Aya, Returning Sailsaki, Night Rain on Kasei-zaka, Sunset at Hanamizu Bridge, Autumn Moon over Shigetachizawa, Wild Geese Falling over Karahara, and Snowfall over Mount Fuji.

After the railway opened, many powerful and wealthy people built villas here, reportedly numbering over 100, the most famous of which was probably Ito Hirobumi's Sōrō-kaku. When naval officers gathered here, it didn't attract much attention; outsiders would assume they were on vacation.

Chapter 567

Although Ito Genro's villa in Oiso was not in the best location, the scenery in its garden was quite in line with the Japanese aesthetic of yugen (a Japanese concept of profound mystery). The many ancient trees that have been preserved weaken the sunlight, making people feel as if they are in the deep mountains, and a sense of loneliness and isolation immediately arises.

This sense of detachment allows one to forget the hustle and bustle of Tokyo, thus achieving a complete relaxation of mind and body. Of course, those who come here to relax are not ordinary people struggling to make ends meet, but rather the powerful and wealthy who are physically in Oiso but mentally in Tokyo. Even with such beautiful scenery before them, their hearts cannot find peace.

Lin Xinyi stood under the trees admiring the snow scene, with Mount Fuji, known as the "Mount Fuji of Hibiscus," faintly visible on the distant horizon. However, this rare moment of relaxation was interrupted by Togo Masamichi. Before the meeting, Ito Sukeyuki wanted to see them one last time, clearly still hesitant about this internal naval discussion.

Ito was actually quite clear-headed. Although this meeting was a coalition of anti-Yamamoto factions within the navy, represented by Kawahara, only Hayashi Nobuyoshi truly had any ideas. The others were either out of options or wanted to use this opportunity to reduce the excessive power of the Yamamoto faction. They were just a bunch of rabble. Without the ideas proposed by Hayashi Nobuyoshi, these people would have been suppressed by Yamamoto Gonnohyōe in an instant and wouldn't have been able to cause any trouble.

However, with Lin Xinyi's proposed ideas as a banner of righteousness, Yamamoto Gonbei's attempt to suppress these people with his power would incite public anger. Even if Yamamoto could suppress these people above, he could not stop the dissatisfaction of the officers and soldiers below. In the future, if the navy has any problems, Yamamoto and his faction will be forced to bear all the responsibility.

This is also why Ito dared not make peace with Yamamoto alone, because their peace would only cause the Navy to abandon him, a veteran, first. He was already weak in his position as a veteran. The reason he was able to suppress Yamamoto, the second-generation leader of the Satsuma clique appointed by Saigo Tsugumichi, was because the Navy's policy was in line with the interests of most people, rather than just the interests of the Satsuma clique.

His reconciliation with Yamamoto Gonnohyōe essentially meant his return to the orthodox faction of the Satsuma clique. This meant his power base overlapped with Yamamoto's, and those anti-Yamamoto and anti-Satsuma factions would naturally no longer support him. The orthodox faction of the Satsuma clique would certainly prioritize obeying Yamamoto Gonnohyōe over him, given that Yamamoto had cultivated his influence within the Navy Ministry for many years and had long since formed a community of shared interests with these people. Who would obey a powerful figure who wouldn't offer benefits?

Therefore, in this small meeting, Ito Sukeyuki mainly wanted to hear what Hayashi Shin-yi's bottom line was for this meeting. He didn't take Kawahara and Togo's opinions to heart, because the two of them were too simple-minded. They just wanted to fight for power with Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's faction. What other ideals could they have?

Ito met them in a tea room. Japanese tea rooms are generally quite small, a concept rooted in the philosophy of Sen no Rikyu, the tea master of the Sengoku period. Only by setting aside worldly power and wealth can one truly appreciate the spirit of the tea ceremony. While Lin Xinyi didn't quite grasp Sen no Rikyu's spirit in this small tea room, he did find it warmer to talk in such a small space during winter.

Faced with Ito's question, Lin Xinyi, who was sitting cross-legged on a cotton cushion, thought for a moment and then asked in return, "I wonder what the elder thinks of the term 'Sacho'?"

"Huh?" Ito was a little taken aback, but he quickly composed himself and said, "Does this have anything to do with the meeting we're having today?"

Facing the gazes of the three people in the room, Lin Xinyi calmly replied, "It is related. I believe that if we cannot clearly explain what the term 'Sa Chang' means, then this meeting today will not be able to reach any conclusions."

Ito glanced at Kawahara and Togo sitting to the side and saw that they were also completely bewildered. He felt much relieved and nodded slightly to Hayashi Shinji, saying, "Then tell me, what exactly is Satsuma-cho?"

Lin Xinyi thought for a moment before speaking, "In my opinion, there was no such thing as a 'Sa Chang' before the Southwest War."

As the three people in the room looked at Lin Xinyi with suspicion, they heard him continue, "Before the Southwest War, there were actually only the 'Opening the Country' faction and the 'Expelling the Barbarians' faction, and the struggle between these two factions began at the end of the Edo period."

From the time the Tokugawa shoguns began implementing the policy of national isolation until the Black Ships incident, the prevailing view in Japanese society was one of national seclusion. This prevailing view was so strong that when the Edo shogunate realized it could no longer continue the policy of national seclusion, it ignited the ambitions of the four powerful southwestern domains to overthrow the shogunate and expel the foreigners. The anti-shogunate war was, in effect, a victory of the forces advocating expulsion of foreigners overthrowing the shogunate that advocated opening the country.

However, during the Tokugawa shogunate war, some samurai who advocated expelling foreigners discovered the advanced nature of Western civilization and realized that importing cannons and firearms from the West would not accomplish the goal of expelling foreigners. As a result, these people turned to the opening-up faction. It was precisely because of the change in the views of these expelling-foreign samurai that Edo was able to surrender without bloodshed, because the opening-up faction of the shogunate and the opening-up faction of the four powerful southwestern domains formed an alliance.

The three leaders of the Meiji Restoration government—Saigo Takamori, Ōkubo Toshimichi, and Kido Takayoshi—were, if judged by their Satsuma and Choshu origins, Satsuma was naturally stronger than Choshu. However, if judged by their advocacy of opening the country and expelling foreigners, the pro-opening faction prevailed over the expelling-foreign faction. This is also the basis for Ōkubo Toshimichi's cooperation with Kido Takayoshi during the Satsuma Rebellion, as their cooperation was based on the principle of opening the country.

After the Satsuma Rebellion, the anti-foreign faction withdrew completely from the central government, leaving only the opening-of-the-country faction. At this time, the Satsuma and Choshu cliques emerged in the struggle for power. The Choshu faction's ability to suppress the Satsuma faction was not due to its greater strength, but rather because it inherited the political legacy of Kido Takayoshi. The Satsuma clique, however, was never unified under a single political ideology due to the split between its leaders, Saigo Takamori and Okubo Toshimichi.

Although Marquis Saigo cleaned up the mess left by the Satsuma clique after the Satsuma War, he could only suppress the internal divisions of the Satsuma clique with his own reputation, but he was powerless to unify the two factions. Therefore, it was only natural that the Satsuma clique was controlled by the Choshu clique.

The reason why the land-based rule over the navy became Japan's national policy was ostensibly because the Satsuma Rebellion caused the navy to lose the government's trust, but the underlying reason was that the army supported the theory of opening the country to the outside world, while the navy did not come up with a political ideology that could counterbalance the theory. As a result, the struggle between the army and the navy remained at the level of the superficial Choshu-Satsuma conflict.

Therefore, I believe that without understanding what Changsa is, one cannot discuss the national policy of "sea ruler and land follower."

Ito, Kawahara, and Togo all fell silent. Lin Xinyi's words had effectively resolved a long-standing question in their minds: why Saigo Takamori, who enjoyed higher prestige among the Satsuma clique and samurai, could not defeat the Meiji Restoration government, which was supported only by a group of peasant soldiers. In the past, they had thought it was because the government army had more advanced weapons, but now Lin Xinyi had given them a more convincing answer: Saigo Takamori could not defeat the Meiji Restoration government on moral grounds, so his army could never be regrouped after its defeat.

After pondering for a long time, Ito finally asked, "I understand your thoughts. So, what kind of banner do you think we should raise in order to achieve the national policy of 'sea master, land follower'?"

Lin Xinyi pondered for a moment, and after clarifying his thoughts, he presented his views to the three of them. Finally, he concluded: "It is not the development of the army and navy that determines the national defense policy of land dominance and sea subordination, or sea dominance and land subordination, but rather the development of the country that determines what kind of national defense policy is needed. Therefore, compared to the future of the navy, we need to be more concerned about the future of the country."

After listening to Hayashi Nobuyoshi's explanation of his proposals, Ito suddenly realized that Hayashi's previous statement about the naval shogunate wasn't just empty talk, but that he was genuinely moving in that direction. He had even laid out the roadmap, so Ito couldn't afford to be careless. After much deliberation, Ito found that there was nothing wrong with this roadmap, which meant it would inevitably receive the support of most of the navy's officers and soldiers. Opposing this roadmap would obviously involve a great risk.

After much deliberation, Ito had no choice but to frankly tell Hayashi Shinichi about his biggest concern: "Your new approach is indeed much better than the Eight-Eight Fleet's plan, but if Navy Minister Yamamoto refuses to admit defeat, are you really planning to expose the corruption within the Navy? The consequences of that would be unbearable for the entire Navy."

Lin Xinyi understood what Ito was worried about. He gave a wink to Togo Masamichi, who was standing next to him. The Deputy Chief of the Naval General Staff finally came to his senses, placed a file bag in front of Ito Sukeyuki, and said, "Based on a tip-off, and after a thorough investigation, we found that the Naval Radio Research Institute not only accepted a large amount of bribes from Siemens, purchasing Siemens products at prices higher than the market value, but also changed the labels on Siemens communication products and presented them as the institute's own research and development products, thereby fraudulently obtaining a large bonus."

The Radio Research Institute is directly under the Ministry of the Navy, with the Ministry of Finance and Saito serving as its direct supervisors. While there is no evidence to suggest a direct link between this matter and Minister of the Navy Yamamoto, I believe that if such corruption exists within a newly established department, one can only imagine what lies elsewhere. For the sake of the Navy's reputation, it is necessary to conduct a disciplinary overhaul within the Navy and redistribute departmental management functions. Everything cannot be placed under the Ministry of the Navy or the Minister of the Navy; they clearly do not have the capacity for such comprehensive management.

Togo's words greatly relieved Ito Sukeyuki. As long as they didn't dig up the inside story of the Sixth Fleet, the shock to the Navy wouldn't be so great. If the inside story of the Sixth Fleet were exposed, it wouldn't just be Yamamoto who would die; probably not many people would be left in the Ministry of the Navy. Even if he had a lot of opinions about Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, he wouldn't dare to uncover this dark secret.

The Radio Research Institute had only been established for a few years, and any problems there only involved a few people like Yamamoto, Saito, and Tsaibu. This case had a much smaller scope, and Ito felt that this exposure of the shady dealings was just right. However, even so, he still said, "This concerns the Navy's image to the outside world. If it can be handled internally, it's better to handle it internally. If this is exposed, even if Navy Minister Yamamoto's reputation is ruined, we people may not get a good reputation in the eyes of the public."

Kawahara immediately nodded in agreement, replying, "You are right. As long as Minister Yamamoto abides by the rules, we will only push for the Navy's self-reform. However, if Minister Yamamoto continues to act arrogantly, for the sake of the Navy's future, we will have no choice but to seek the support of the people. After all, the Navy belongs to the Emperor and the nation, not Minister Yamamoto's Navy..."

In a large room of the Ito residence, Togo Heihachiro, sitting on the tatami mats, glanced at the officer behind him and asked Arima Ryotachi beside him, "Where's Akiyama?"

Arima replied somewhat hesitantly, "Akiyama said he believes the new approach should be more beneficial to the future of the Navy, and his attendance at this meeting might not be a good thing. Besides..."

Upon hearing this, Togo frowned and pressed for an answer: "And what?"

Arima whispered back, "Akiyama thinks that even if he comes over and debates with the person who proposed the new route, he probably won't win. If he can use his power to suppress him, then there's no need for him to be involved."

Togo was greatly displeased, but he ultimately said nothing more. Although Akiyama Saneyuki's words were unpleasant to hear, they might not be entirely untrue. Back in the Naval Academy, he had witnessed Hayashi Nobuyoshi's reasoned and measured words, which had effectively suppressed a group of naval seniors who supported the old battleships. Hayashi Nobuyoshi must be even more powerful now than he was back then.

If it weren't for his stance, Togo Heihachiro wouldn't actually be so opposed to the new naval strategy. However, he felt that this new strategy was too slow to take effect. He thought that the plan to make the navy endure for ten to twenty years, first to solidify Japan's industrial base, and then to seek to expand naval power was too perfect. Would Japan's enemies really sit idly by and watch Japan strengthen its foundation without taking any action?

Yamamoto Gonbei, positioned above Togo, remained relatively calm. However, Saito Minoru beside him was quite nervous, repeatedly asking his strategist Sato Tetsutaro if there were any oversights in Sato's naval development theory for the Eight-Eight Fleet project.

This great war produced two brilliant strategists for the navy: Akiyama Saneyuki and Sato Tetsutaro. Although the latter was not as famous as the former, Sato Tetsutaro's active defense concept just met the needs of Yamamoto Gonnohyōe. Therefore, he was called back from the Second Fleet by Saitō Minoru to supplement the insufficient theoretical foundation of the Eight-Eight Fleet Project.

Unlike Akiyama Saneyuki, Sato Tetsutaro had little contact with Hayashi Nobuyoshi and found it difficult to agree with Akiyama's high regard for him. Akiyama believed that Hayashi, not himself, was the primary contributor to the Battle of Cam Ranh Bay, a statement that greatly shocked the Combined Fleet Command. When questioned by Saito Makoto, he casually replied, "While the new strategy has its merits, Japan's future belongs to Britain. The British didn't wait for the invention of the steam engine to develop their navy. The ocean is unclaimed; first come, first served. Therefore, we should first secure a relative advantage in the Western Pacific before focusing on domestic development, rather than developing domestically first and then seeking naval power in the Western Pacific. The order cannot be reversed..."

As Sato Tetsutaro was explaining his theory of national defense to Saito Minoru, Ito Sukeyuki and others finally appeared outside the main hall. With Ito and Yamamoto sitting side by side at the head of the table, the officers of the Ministry of the Navy and the fleet sat on the west side, and the others sat on the east side. The main hall was packed with nearly forty people. If it weren't for the fact that everyone was wearing naval uniforms, it would have looked quite like a samurai conference in the Edo period.

Although Kawahara Yoichi is challenging Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's power this time, the two sides are not actually equal. This meeting is still a discussion on the future of the navy, co-chaired by Ito Sukeyuki and Yamamoto Gonnohyōe. He is confronting Saitō Makoto and Togo Heihachirō, who are supporters of the military expansion plan.

After the meeting began, the two sides exchanged heated words, essentially rehashing previous arguments, and naturally neither side could convince the other. Saito then introduced Sato Tetsutaro, who supplemented the theory regarding the Eight-Eight Fleet case.

Sato began by arguing that Japan, as a maritime and island nation, should learn from Britain, thus proving that Japan should prioritize naval strategy as a frontline defense. He then stated, "The so-called frontline defense means that the strategic objective of the Imperial Navy is to annihilate any enemy that crosses the Pacific Ocean. This implies that we cannot allow the enemy to control the Pacific. To control the western Pacific, or to establish a relative advantage over other navies, the Eight-Eight Fleet is the minimum necessary military preparation."

In this era, competition among European nations is relentless, and any country that stagnates becomes prey in the eyes of powerful nations. The crux of this competition lies in the struggle for control of the seas; whoever controls the oceans wins the future.

As U.S. Navy Admiral Mahan stated, "The purpose of an army in wartime is to defeat the enemy fleet and gain control of the sea." Therefore, in peacetime, a strong focus should be placed on developing military capabilities to prepare for war. Without peacetime preparation, how can one defeat the enemy fleet and gain control of the sea in wartime?

Who exactly are our enemies? I believe we shouldn't consider the closeness of our relationship, but rather choose the strongest among them as our hypothetical enemy. If we can keep the strongest out, why should we worry about other adversaries? This is the significance of building the Eight-Eight Fleet…”

Chapter 568

Although Sato Tetsutaro's theory still has many flaws, it at least explains why the Eight-Eight Fleet is needed and how to use it. At the last generals' meeting, Yamamoto and Saito's side couldn't give a clear answer, which is why they were completely suppressed by the new route proposed by the Naval General Staff.

In such meetings where debates are held, the most important thing is not whether the route is good or bad. Before any route is proven, it is impossible to tell whether it is good or bad. If a route can be judged as good or bad, it means that the route is at least very mature, mature to the point that everyone believes it can be achieved.

Therefore, most of the time, as long as the route is logical, the next step is simply choosing sides, until that route proves unworkable before it is abandoned. Yamamoto Gonnohyōe agreed to hold this meeting not to persuade Kawahara and the others with Satō's theory, but to solidify his own position and pressure Kawahara's side into conceding defeat.

In Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's view, while Kawahara's new naval strategy was commendable, the factions supporting it were far too diverse, and it was uncertain whether they possessed the courage to fight to the bitter end. Once their strength was laid bare before these people, those lacking confidence would naturally waver and retreat, thus dissolving the alliance Kawahara had assembled.

As he predicted, after Sato Tetsutaro published his theory of active defense, the Fleet faction unanimously expressed their support. After all, this theory was in the Fleet's favor, as expanding control from the area around the Japanese archipelago to the western Pacific meant that the Fleet's power would increase significantly in the future, an advantage that the Fleet faction could not refuse.

Faced with this situation, the representatives of the naval base and other central agencies on the Kawahara side were indeed somewhat confused. It wasn't because of Sato Tetsutaro's theory, but because they were worried about the pressure from these fleet officers who shared the same stance. Without the support of the fleet, could the shore-based agencies represent the navy?

In the chaos, many people turned their attention to Kawahara. What calmed them down was that the Chief of the General Staff remained unmoved, seemingly not taking Sato Tetsutaro's theory to heart.